Considerations on the Negroe cause commonly so called: Addressed to the Right Honourable Lord Mansfield, lord chief justice of the Court of King's Bench, &c. — John Shaqi
Considerations on the Negroe cause commonly so called: Addressed to the Right Honourable Lord Mansfield, lord chief justice of the Court of King's Bench, &c.Estwick, Samuel
Philosophy
Considerations on the Negroe cause commonly so called: Addressed to the Right Honourable Lord Mansfield, lord chief justice of the Court of King's Bench, &c.
Estwick, Samuel
Slavery -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain; Slavery -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Great Britain
Here is it then that policy, which is the object of my discovery,
must have intervened. Now the planting of the colonies opening with
the 16th century, and consequently commencing nearly with the reign
of James I. it appears, that during the reigns of this race of kings,
their cultivation and improvement were so rapidly had, that, from
a state of infancy, before the end of the reign of Charles II. they
had grown up and increased to the vigour of manhood. It is in this
period of history, therefore, my Lord, that I am to search for, and
to trace, the cause of this allotted condition of Negroes: but, as
it cannot be expected that I should here enter into the particulars
of those times, so neither is it necessary to my purpose. A single
incontrovertible observation will serve to rest the whole of what
I have to offer on this subject; and which is this: that from the
_alpha_ of the reign of James I. to the _omega_ of the reign of
James II. _to enslave_, was the fixed principle and uniform plan
of government. This then at once accounts for the toleration of a
measure, so inconsistent with the principles of the constitution of
this country: but the reason upon which the measure was grounded is
not so immediately obvious. From things that are more known, things
that are less known must be deduced. Now it is a maxim in politics,
that to obtain an end, direct means are not always to be pursued, or
rather that _indirect_ means are allowed to be practiced; and this
will lead me to mention two questions that have been already stated.
Why were not the laws of villenage enforced? or why were not other
laws of slavery enacted for the government of these people? The
answer is plain; these were edged tools, which the complexion of the
times would not suffer the use of. Enough was the plan of government
exposed, though hid under the cloak of religion. Such a step would
have left it naked, and without a covering. Policy therefore
prevented that which the jealousy of the people would have forbidden.
In vain would have been the argument, that these laws were intended
for operation in the new world of America. _Ever to begin at the
extremes_ is a well-known rule in the art of attaining to despotism.
The more distant the design, the deeper laid is the scheme, and the
more sure in its consequences. As in the body natural, even so is it
in the body politic. The disease that lays hold of the toe, often
finds its way to the heart. Gradual encroachments by imperceptible
movements are the most dangerous symptoms. They call off attention
to remedies, and lull suspicion to sleep. But may all lovers of
liberty ever have their eyes open and awake to this despotic process!
He that would tyrannise in America or abroad, awaits only the
opportunity of becoming a tyrant at Home; but thank God, my Lord, the
present times with us, of all others, give least occasion for any
apprehensions of this sort. But to return. Instead then of that Demon
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