Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 1 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 1 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
No very material attempt had been made since the reign of Edward III. to
levy a general imposition without consent of parliament, and in the most
remote and irregular times it would be difficult to find a precedent for
so universal and enormous an exaction; since tallages, however
arbitrary, were never paid by the barons or freeholders, nor by their
tenants; and the aids to which they were liable were restricted to
particular cases. If Wolsey therefore could have procured the
acquiescence of the nation under this yoke, there would probably have
been an end of parliaments for all ordinary purposes; though, like the
States General of France, they might still be convoked to give weight
and security to great innovations. We cannot indeed doubt that the
unshackled condition of his friend, though rival, Francis I., afforded
a mortifying contrast to Henry. Even under his tyrannical administration
there was enough to distinguish the king of a people who submitted in
murmuring to violations of their known rights, from one whose subjects
had almost forgotten that they ever possessed any. But the courage and
love of freedom natural to the English commons, speaking in the hoarse
voice of tumult, though very ill supported by their superiors, preserved
us in so great a peril.[25]
_Acts of parliament releasing the king from his debts._--If we justly
regard with detestation the memory of those ministers who have aimed at
subverting the liberties of their country, we shall scarcely approve the
partiality of some modern historians towards Cardinal Wolsey; a
partiality, too, that contradicts the general opinion of his
contemporaries. Haughty beyond comparison, negligent of the duties and
decorums of his station, profuse as well as rapacious, obnoxious alike
to his own order and to the laity, his fall had long been secretly
desired by the nation and contrived by his adversaries. His generosity
and magnificence seem rather to have dazzled succeeding ages than his
own. But, in fact, his best apology is the disposition of his master.
The latter years of Henry's reign were far more tyrannical than those
during which he listened to the counsels of Wolsey; and though this was
principally owing to the peculiar circumstances of the latter period, it
is but equitable to allow some praise to a minister for the mischief
which he may be presumed to have averted. Had a nobler spirit animated
the parliament which met at the era of Wolsey's fall, it might have
prompted his impeachment for gross violations of liberty. But these were
not the offences that had forfeited his prince's favour, or that they
dared bring to justice. They were not absent perhaps from the
recollection of some of those who took a part in prosecuting the fallen
minister. I can discover no better apology for Sir Thomas More's
participation in impeaching Wolsey on articles so frivolous that they
have served to redeem his fame with later times, than his knowledge of
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