In the reign of Charles II. the House of Commons seems to have become less favourable to this species of franchise. But after the revolution, when the struggle of parties was renewed every three years throughout the kingdom, the right of election came more continually into question, and was treated with the grossest partiality by the house, as subordinate to the main interests of the rival factions. Contrary determinations for the sole purpose of serving these interests, as each grew in its turn more powerful, frequently occurred; and at this time the ancient right of resident householders seems to have grown into disrepute, and given way to that of corporations, sometimes at large, sometimes only in a limited and very small number. A slight check was imposed on this scandalous and systematic injustice by the act 2 G. ii. c. 2, which renders the last determination of the House of Commons conclusive as to the right of election.[74] But this enactment confirmed many decisions that cannot be reconciled with any sensible rule. The same iniquity continued to prevail in cases beyond its pale; the fall of Sir Robert Walpole from power was reckoned to be settled, when there appeared a small majority against him on the right of election at Chippenham, a question not very logically connected with the merits of his administration; and the house would to this day have gone on trampling on the franchises of their constituents, if a statute had not been passed through the authority and eloquence of Mr. Grenville, which has justly been known by his name. I shall not enumerate the particular provisions of this excellent law, which, in point of time, does not fall within the period of my present work; it is generally acknowledged that, by transferring the judicature in all cases of controverted elections, from the house to a sworn committee of fifteen members, the reproach of partiality has been a good deal lightened, though not perhaps effaced. FOOTNOTES: [1] It was said in 18 Car. II. (1666) that "the king by the common law hath a general prerogative over the printing press; so that none ought to print a book for public use without his license." This seems, however, to have been in the argument of counsel; but the court held that a patent to print law-books exclusively was no monopoly. Carter's _Reports_, 89. "Matters of state and things that concern the government," it is said in another case, "were never left to any man's liberty to print that would." 1 _Mod. Reps._ 258. Kennet informs us that several complaints having been made, of Lilly's _Grammar_, the use of which had been prescribed by the royal ecclesiastical supremacy, it was thought proper in 1664 that a new public form of grammar should be drawn up and _approved in convocation_, to be enjoined by the royal authority. One was accordingly brought in by Bishop Pearson, but the matter dropped. _Life of Charles II._ 274.