Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
father exempt from those vices of a court to which the son was too
long addicted; not so harsh perhaps or prone to severity in his
temper, but inferior in general sincerity and adherence to his word.
They were both equally unfitted for the condition in which they were
meant to stand--the limited kings of a wise and free people, the
chiefs of the English commonwealth.
The most plausible argument against the necessity of so violent a
remedy for public grievances as the abjuration of allegiance to a
reigning sovereign, was one that misled half the nation in that age,
and is still sometimes insinuated by those whose pity for the
misfortunes of the house of Stuart appears to predominate over every
other sentiment which the history of the revolution should excite. It
was alleged that the constitutional mode of redress by parliament was
not taken away; that the king's attempts to obtain promises of support
from the electors and probable representatives showed his intention of
calling one; that the writs were in fact ordered before the Prince of
Orange's expedition; that after the invader had reached London, James
still offered to refer the terms of reconciliation with his people to
a free parliament, though he could have no hope of evading any that
might be proposed; that by reversing illegal judgments, by annulling
unconstitutional dispensations, by reinstating those who had been
unjustly dispossessed, by punishing wicked advisers, above all, by
passing statutes to restrain the excesses and cut off the dangerous
prerogatives of the monarchy (as efficacious, or more so, than the
bill of rights and other measures that followed the revolution), all
risk of arbitrary power, or of injury to the established religion,
might have been prevented without a violation of that hereditary right
which was as fundamental in the constitution as any of the subject's
privileges. It was not necessary to enter upon the delicate problem of
absolute non-resistance, or to deny that the conservation of the whole
was paramount to all positive laws. The question to be proved was,
that a regard to this general safety exacted the means employed in the
revolution, and constituted that extremity which could alone justify
such a deviation from the standard rules of law and religion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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