Contemporary American History, 1877-1913 — John Shaqi
Contemporary American History, 1877-1913Beard, Charles A. (Charles Austin)
History
Contemporary American History, 1877-1913
Beard, Charles A. (Charles Austin)
United States -- History -- 1865-1921
Whatever may be the real truth about the economic status of the race,
and after all it is the relative progress of the mass that determines
the future of the race, there can be no doubt that there is an
increasing "race consciousness" which will have to be reckoned with. The
more conservative school, led by Booker T. Washington, is working to
secure for the negro an industrial training that will give him some kind
of an economic standing in the community, and if this is achieved for
large numbers, a radical change in social and political outlook will
follow, unless all signs of history fail. On the other hand, there is
growing up a radical party, under the inspiration of Dr. W. B. Dubois,
which pleads for unconditional political and social equality as a
measure of immediate justice. Dr. Dubois demands "the raising of the
negro in America to full rights and citizenship. And I mean by this no
halfway measures; I mean full and fair equality. That is, a chance to
work regardless of color, to aspire to position and preferment on the
basis of desert alone, to have the right to use public conveniences, to
enter public places of amusement on the same terms as other people, and
to be received socially by such persons as might wish to receive them."
With both of these influences at work and all the forces of modern life
playing upon the keener section of the colored population, nothing but
congenital disabilities can prevent a movement which ruling persons,
North and South, will have to take into account. How serious this
movement becomes depends, however, upon the innate capacity of colored
masses to throw off the shiftlessness and indifference to high standards
of life that, their best friends admit, stand in the way of their
gaining a substantial economic basis, without which any kind of a solid
political superstructure is impossible. The real negro question now is:
"Can the race demonstrate that capacity for sustained economic activity
and permanent organization which has lifted the white masses from
serfdom?"
FOOTNOTES:
[1] In 1894 the Democrats during Cleveland's administration completed
the demolition of the system by repealing the remaining provisions.
[2] Disfranchising provisions were adopted in other southern states as
follows: North Carolina, in 1900; Alabama and Virginia, in 1901;
Georgia, in 1908. See Lobingier, _The People's Law_, pp. 301 ff.; W. F.
Dodd, _Revision and Amendment of State Constitutions_.
[3] _The Political Science Review_, November, 1906, p. 20.
[4] Giles _v._ Harris, 189 U. S., 474.
[5] See a Massachusetts case decided before the Civil War upholding
similar discriminations against negroes. Thayer, _Cases on
Constitutional Law_, Vol. I, p. 576.
[6] This is partly due to the absence of compulsory attendance laws.
CHAPTER II
THE ECONOMIC REVOLUTION
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