Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The element of selling is not of major importance in many services
performed by the state which nevertheless require constant watching in
order to prevent corrupt misuse. Efforts to use the mails improperly
are continually being made by get-rich-quick schemes, swindlers,
gamblers, and touts of all descriptions. Crop reports are furnished
without charge, but extraordinary precautions are necessary to prevent
them from leaking out.
Instances such as the foregoing also serve to illustrate the point
that any extension of the functions of government results in an
enlargement of the opportunities for political corruption. Government
railways, for example, would afford venal public officials many
crooked opportunities (as _e.g._, for false billing, charges, and
discrimination) which do not now exist as direct menaces to public
administrative integrity. Private management of railways, however, has
not been so free from such evils as to be able to use this argument
effectively against nationalisation. Municipalities selling water, gas,
or electricity, are notoriously victimised on a large scale by citizens
whose self-interest as consumers overcomes all thought of civic duty
or common honesty.[60] There is one other closely related phenomenon
connected with the extension of the economic functions of government
which will perhaps not so readily be thought of as corrupt, and which
yet deserves consideration from that point of view. Public service
enterprises under government ownership and management are always
exposed to what some writers stigmatise as “democratic finance,”—that
is strong popular pressure to reduce rates. Cost of production and the
general financial condition of a given city may make the reduction of
the prices charged for water, electricity, or gas, frankly contrary
to public policy. Yet the self-interest of the consumer suggests the
use of his vote and political influence to compel such reductions. Of
course his action is not consciously corrupt, but it has every other
characteristic feature of this evil.
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Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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