Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The state is a much larger buyer than seller, and manifold are
the possibilities of malpractice in connection with its enormous
purchases of land, materials, supplies, and labour. Yet nothing in our
contemporary political life is more marvellous than the light-hearted
indifference with which the public regards the voting and expenditure
of sums running into the millions. We recall vaguely that the great
constitutional issues of English history were fought out on fiscal
grounds, but we find the budget of our own city a deadly bore. We rise
in heated protest whenever the tax rate is advanced by a fraction of a
mill, but we regard with indifference the new forms either of necessary
expenditure or needless extravagance which make such increases
inevitable. There is one general advantage which state buying has over
state selling, however. A great many of the purchases of government are
made in competitive markets where fair price rates are ascertainable
with comparative ease. Even large public contracts such as for erecting
public buildings or for road construction are usually resolvable into
a number of comparatively simple processes and purchases. Of course
there are exceptions, as for example government contracts with railroad
companies for carrying mail. But as a rule the ordinary purchasing
operations of the state are simpler and more easily comprehensible
than such acts of sale as franchise grants,—to mention the one of most
importance from the view point of possible corruption. It is precisely
at this vulnerable point on the buying side of governmental operations
that the New York Bureau of Municipal Research has struck home. With a
skill that amounts to positive genius this voluntary agency has placed
before the people the ruling market prices and the enormously higher
prices actually paid by officials for public supplies. Taking the
purchasing departments of our best organised private corporations as
a model it has drawn practical plans for the installation of similar
methods as part of our municipal machinery. Equipped with field glasses
and mechanical registering devices its agents have kept tab upon
the flaccid activities of labourers in the public service and have
contrasted the long distance results thus obtained with the suddenly
energised performances of the same men when they knew themselves to be
under observation. It has co-operated quietly and effectively with all
willing officials in improving the methods of work in their offices,
in installing more logical accounting systems and better methods of
recording work done; and it has fought effectively, with the penalty
of discharge by the Governor in two cases, those officials who were
not amenable to proper corrective influences. And finally the Bureau
has attacked the city budget and has even succeeded in making that
dry and formidable document the object of active and intelligent
public interest. Yet the cost of the Bureau’s work has been out of
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