When revelations of this kind are made the moral uprising which follows seldom lacks force. Cynics may sneer at such popular manifestations as paroxysms of virtue, but practical political leaders are not likely to underestimate the damage which they are capable of inflicting. Even if the machine emerges comparatively unharmed from such a period of attack the heads of some of the leaders are likely to fall before the popular fury. Remembering Fernando Wood’s caution about the necessity of “pandering a little to the moral element in the community,” farsighted bosses are therefore more and more inclined to limit their operations in the field of vice protection and to seek support from their relations with legitimate business interests. If this process is carried on further, as now seems likely, the general problem we are considering will be simplified by the reduction to a minimum of corruption by the vicious element, although, of course, we would still have on our hands the large question of corruption in the interests of otherwise legitimate business. With all their mistakes and wasted energy moral uprisings will help this development materially. After a “spasm” things seldom fall back into the lowest depths of their former state. We need more frequent spasms, at least until we shall have learned to live continuously and steadily on a higher plane. The gravest evil of the present intermittent situation would seem to be that in our occasional fits of indignation we write requirements into the law which, considering the prevalence of minor vicious habits among large masses of the people, are impossible of execution. One of the lessons which we have learned in attempting to regulate business is that legislation of this sort must be supplemented by special administrative agencies if it is to have any effect whatever. Admirable child labour laws, for example, remain absolutely futile without labour commissioners and a force of inspectors created particularly to see them enforced. Yet in the regulation of vice we rush on heedlessly piling one new duty after another upon an already overburdened and underpaid police force. As a consequence its chiefs become habituated to the idea that they can exercise discretion as to what laws are to be enforced and what laws may with impunity be neglected. Usually the police decision of such questions is that crime must be dealt with vigilantly and severely, vice, on the other hand, with large tolerance. No better situation could be devised for the schemes of corruptionists. Moreover the latter are materially aided in their nefarious work by the high standards and the severe penalties which the moral element has written into the law. Using these as clubs the corrupt politician can extort much larger contributions than would otherwise be possible. There are only two ways in which this situation may be met. Either we must reduce our too ambitious programmes for the regulation of vice, or we must strengthen