In the national field the nearest approach to legislation prescribing publicity for campaign contributions was made by a bill (H. R. 20112) introduced into the House of Representatives in 1908. Briefly this bill covered both expenditures and contributions of the national and the congressional campaign committees of all parties, and of “all committees, associations, or organisations which shall in two or more states influence the result or attempt to influence the result of an election at which Representatives in Congress are to be elected.” Treasurers of such committees were required to file itemised detailed statements with the Clerk of the House of Representatives “not more than fifteen days and not less than ten days before an election,” and also final reports within thirty days after such elections. These statements were to include the names and addresses of contributors of $100 or more, the total of contributions under $100, disbursements exceeding $10 in detail, and the total of disbursements of less amount. The bill also contained provisions, which will be referred to later, designed to cover the use of money by persons or associations other than those mentioned above. Unfortunately a provision was tacked on to the foregoing raising the question of the restriction of colored voting in the South and hinting at a reapportionment of congressional representation under the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. As a consequence an embittered opposition was made by the Democrats who charged that the latter provision was deliberately introduced in bad faith with the intention of making the passage of the bill impossible. In the House it was carried by a solid Republican vote of 161 in its favour to 126 Democratic votes in opposition, but was allowed to expire in the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections for fear that it would become the object of a Democratic filibuster. Whatever may be the merits of the proposal to readjust congressional representation it is clearly a question which is logically separable from that of campaign contributions. If this separation is effected there would seem to be reason to hope that a publicity bill similar in its main outlines to that of 1908 can pass Congress. While a platform plank of this sort was voted down in the Republican National Convention of that year, Mr. Taft in his speech of acceptance said:— “If I am elected President I shall urge upon Congress, with every hope of success, that a law be passed requiring a filing in a Federal office of a statement of the contributions received by committees and candidates in elections for members of Congress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of Congress.”[75]