Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The most common objects of such prohibitions are, of course, the
corporations. As early as 1894, Mr. Elihu Root, speaking in the New
York Constitutional Convention in favour of an amendment prohibiting
contributions from such sources, said:—“It strikes at a constantly
growing evil which has done more to shake the confidence of the plain
people of small means of this country in our political institutions
than any other practice which has ever obtained since the foundation
of our government.” Even now that the turning point has been passed
and we are clearly on the way to better things there are few students
of our public life who would dissent from Mr. Root’s judgment of
the seriousness of the question raised by corporate contributions
to campaign funds. Missouri, Nebraska, Tennessee, and Florida, were
pioneers in acting on this conviction, all four having passed laws in
1897 absolutely forbidding such gifts.[85] Several states followed in a
desultory fashion until in 1907 a sudden burst of legislative activity
occurred as a result of the New York insurance revelations. In that one
year no fewer than eleven states passed laws forbidding life insurance
companies to contribute, and five other states forbade all corporations
of whatever sort to make contributions to campaign funds.
It is frequently objected to laws of this character that they are
worthless because they can readily be evaded. A corporation may
secretly direct one of its officials to make a large contribution
with the understanding that the money is to be returned to him later,
concealed, it may be, in the price paid for some property which he
sells the corporation. No doubt evasion of this sort is possible, but
it will hardly become common because it involves the collusion of so
many men not only in the management of the corporation but also in the
party management, all of whom will fully understand the criminal nature
of the transaction. On the corporation side, moreover, the act remains
a gift, and withal a gift of a much more hazardous nature and one much
less certain to bring returns than such gifts are reputed to have been
in the past. Now even under the most favourable circumstances giving,
whether by corporations or by individuals, is a somewhat painful
process. The absence of souls in the case of the former does not seem
to make their feeling of sacrifice any the less keen. It is highly
improbable, therefore, that in addition to this natural obstacle and
other disadvantages corporations are likely to run the risks of penal
law frequently in order that they may bestow their surplus wealth upon
party organisations.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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