Of course there are corporations so largely owned by individuals and so thoroughly identified with the latter that a contribution from them may seem to amount to the same thing as a contribution from the corporation. Technically, however, the money must be offered as a personal gift, and party managers might defend themselves on this score in case the contributor afterwards demanded a corrupt favour in the interest of his corporation. If the public remains suspicious of such large personal contributions by corporate managers the further step may be taken of fixing by law the maximum amount to be contributed by any individual. Considering the special disabilities which have been laid upon corporations in the matter of campaign contributions it is indeed remarkable that similar restrictions have not been suggested for other associations. Either by gradually extending this policy or by a single sweeping measure the right of contribution may finally be brought to as purely individual a basis as the right of suffrage itself. Some partnerships, particularly in manufacturing and the express business, have been notorious seekers after special privileges, but not being corporations there is nothing to prevent them from contributing largely to campaign funds. Labour unions might be developed into very heavy contributors to campaign funds. Although in the latter case the contributions would come from a great number of individuals giving relatively small amounts each, yet the machinery of organisation and the emulation it could excite among the members might prove potent in producing very large sums in the aggregate. The same considerations apply to clubs, whether purely social or propagandist in character, which can contribute great sums without revealing the identity of large donors among their members,—except perhaps privately to the financial officers of a campaign committee. If publicity reveals any such abuses legislation to correct them along the same lines as our present corporate prohibitions may prove desirable.