policy which any institution dependent upon public support must follow under similar circumstances,—that is, they must so impress the value of the work they are doing upon the people that ample material support will be freely offered. If this cannot be done they will simply have to get along with less, the probability being, of course, that the smaller amount is quite as much as is necessary and certainly as much as they deserve. One certain consequence of the prohibition of large contributions will be greater activity on the part of campaign collectors to secure contributions in smaller amounts. This would seem desirable in every way. Until we commit ourselves to the principle of state subsidies it ought to be part of common school instruction everywhere to insist on the duty of the voter to contribute something toward party support. Possibly large contributions might be found unobjectionable in the future if given for some specific purpose, the circulation of a certain speech, for example, or some other educational form of political activity. Considering the abuses which have been charged against campaign managers the almost universal habit of making gifts to them on a _carte blanche_ basis is remarkable to say the least. Taking a suggestion from educational practice, large campaign contributions might be further legitimatised in case it were stipulated, that equal amounts should be raised in small sums by campaign managers. If the time be short in which to comply with a condition of this sort, the interest in such collections, on the other hand, would be very great. Certainly it could scarcely be argued that a sum thus collected represented nothing more than the selfish desire of a rich man to promote one of his personal interests.