Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
If catastrophes so great and terrible were actually impending the
situation would seem not only to justify our present corrupt rulers,
but might also be held sufficiently grave to induce us to establish
new bosses and gangs, giving them license to graft to their heart’s
content, provided only that they continue their beneficent mission of
saving civilisation. Dictatorship would be cheap at the price. The
whole argument, however, rests primarily upon a shockingly unjust
view of the real character of our proletariat class. Even if this
very indefinite term be interpreted to mean only the poorest and most
ignorant of our people, whether of native American or of foreign
stock, the view that they need to be constantly cajoled by the corrupt
politician in order to prevent them from resorting to the violent
seizure of the property of others is a grotesque misconception. In
the great majority of cases such persons desire nothing more than the
opportunity to earn an honest and frugal living in peace. We must
admit, of course, that lynching and labour riots occur with appalling
frequency in the United States. No one should attempt to minimise the
danger and disgrace of such outbreaks. Let us not, on the other hand,
fall into the gross error of regarding them as deliberate revolutionary
attacks upon the existing social order.
With such circumstances confronting us, what shall be said of the
alleged utility of the corrupt machine as prime defender of social
peace? If we should conclude to recognise the gang frankly in this
capacity any materials for the formation of revolutionary mobs that we
may possess would certainly be encouraged to increase the demands made
as the price of continued quiet, and even to furnish a few sample riots
from time to time as a means of enforcing their demands. In reality,
however, corrupt political machines care very little for social
welfare. The very essence of corruption is self-interest regardless of
public interest. Familiarity with the favours bestowed by politicians
is hardly the best means of encouraging quiescence among poor and
ignorant recipients. It may become the first step toward idleness and
crime. But besides the distribution of favours the corrupt politician
has many other means of procuring power. Hired thugs, and sometimes
members of the regular police force, are employed to drive honest
voters from the polls, and every manner of tricky device is resorted
to in order to deceive them in casting their ballots or to falsify the
election returns. Do such things allay social discontent? Even the rank
favouritism shown by the corrupt organisation to its servile adherents
must make enemies of those who feel themselves slighted. Few forms of
political evil are more dangerous than the fear sometimes displayed
by mayors or governors that the vigorous employment of the police to
suppress rioting may cost them votes when they come up for re-election.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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