Admitting that political corruption exists among us to a disquieting extent the point is frequently made that the vigour with which it has recently been exposed and attacked is in itself evidence of moral health and harbinger of ultimate victory over the evil. Such exposure and attacks, it is said, signify the development of higher ideals measured by which practices formerly tolerated are now condemned by public opinion and will later be condemned by law. As to the emergence of higher ideals there can be no doubt, and so far we have just ground for encouragement. Reform sentiment as a whole, however, can scarcely be accepted at its full face value. A considerable part of the denunciation which accompanies it is as much exaggerated as the corresponding campaign “literature” and “oratory” of the practical politician. Thus the volume of clamour is augmented and the difficulty of correctly estimating honesty in public life increased. There are always those who deliberately attach themselves to reform movements solely because they foresee victory at the polls with office and emoluments and other less legitimate opportunities for themselves. In other words while ostensibly fighting corruption the motives of such persons are at bottom corrupt from the start. Bandit Mendoza of the Sierras, that eminent socialist of Shaw’s creation, was not entirely wrong in maintaining that “a movement which is confined to philosophers and honest men can never exercise any real political influence: there are too few of them. Until a movement shows itself capable of spreading among brigands, it can never hope for a political majority.” In some American cities charges have even been made that corporate interests which did not enjoy the favour of the gang or boss have contributed largely to “anti-graft” campaigns, their real purpose being to place themselves in a position to claim the favour of the “honest” administration elected by their efforts. Knowledge of corrupt transactions, discretely hinted at in the press, has been used in other instances as a sort of political blackmail to club the gang or boss into the granting of privileges to applicants who had hitherto been denied. The mere volume of clamour developed by reform movements against corrupt practices is, therefore, no certain index of higher moral standards. There is even danger that we may too complacently accept mere denunciation for real achievement. Nor can the work be deemed finished when popular uproar has secured new legislation, for laws, notoriously, do not execute themselves. Discouragement then too easily overtakes the rank and file of the anti-corrupt element; hence, in part, the spasmodic character of many reform movements. When every necessary deduction has been made, however, the fundamental strength and continued progress of the cause of honesty in politics is beyond question. Even the selfish interests that attach themselves to it prove this contention.