Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
It is true they bring no enthusiasm for higher
standards as such, and also that the results of alliances of this
character are often disheartening. Nevertheless the mere fact that such
alliances are entered into by practical politicians is pretty strong
testimony, coming as it does from men who are very little affected by
considerations of sentiment, to the power of the sincere reform element
which is pursuing no ulterior ends. In all cases of this sort the
selfish politician is seeking to strike with the strength of others,
and this strength must be reckoned with as a real factor, no matter
what uses designing men endeavour to make of it. Here as elsewhere the
counterfeit bears witness to the value of the genuine.
Whatever may be the extent of corruption in the United States it is
under fire all along the line. Moreover we regard and attack as abuses
practices which in other countries are considered free from reproach or
even as pillars of the state. Comparisons to our disadvantage on the
score of corruption are most frequently made with England and Germany.
In England, however, the privileges of peerage, gentry, clergy, and
the landholding class generally are enormous.[109] Land is assessed at
a fraction of its real value, local rates are thrown upon the tenant,
railroads seeking charters and cities seeking legislation to wipe
out disease-breeding slums or to take over badly managed docks find
themselves mulcted by special acts exacting excessive prices for the
property taken, and the interests responsible for all these conditions
sit enthroned in an omnipotent parliament. Landlordism has progressed
to a considerable degree in the United States, to be sure, and we
possess a more than plentiful supply of slum landlords. Property rights
in realty are abundantly protected among us, but our landowners are
very far from enjoying the class privileges or the social standing
accorded them in England. Moreover when abuses arise in connection
with their management, public opinion does not hesitate to express
itself unmistakably, nor is corrective legislation difficult to
procure. In Germany, which like England is frequently extolled for its
high political morality, autocracy, aristocracy, _Junkertum_, and the
swaggering military class are sacrosanct. Landtag and city councils in
Prussia are elected under a three-class voting system which fills these
bodies with agents of the landed and plutocratic interests and deprives
the great mass of the people of adequate representation. Against these
and kindred abuses has risen the menace of social-democracy. The
prospects for peaceful reform in the near future are not altogether
bright. Autocratic, aristocratic, and plutocratic rule is seated firmly
in the saddle, and is not inclined to listen to proposals that it shall
reduce its own powers. Special privileges exist in the United States,
it is true, but they are always regarded as questionable, they must
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