Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
In discussing cases of corrupt action procured by inducements not
directly material in character it was pointed out that current moral
opinion does not clearly recognise the evil involved. Similarly it
may be indicated that many of the less somber _nuances_ of corruption
resulting from the selfish interrelations of social groups hardly
deserve condemnation, because they are not commonly recognised as
deflections from duty. This may be conceded so far as the present
conditions of morals is concerned; but under any sharper analysis than
is currently employed the element of corruption contained in such
actions is manifest. The difficulty of the situation is enhanced by
the fact that it is extremely hard to separate and define duty and
self-interest in many of the relations of social and individual life.
Nevertheless the effort must be made. We must distinguish and define
economic interest, family interest, public interest. We have for our
guidance the great general principle: “Render to Cæsar the things that
are Cæsar’s, and to God the things that are God’s.” It is no valid plea
in avoidance that it is hard to distinguish the things that are Cæsar’s
and the things that are God’s. Rather would it seem to be enjoined upon
a robust morality incessantly to search the heart regarding all the
details that arise in following the commandment.
The most perplexing questions that arise in this interrogation of duty
spring from the conflict between fundamental and general moral ideas
and the customs of various social groups. It is considered entirely
allowable and laudable, for instance, that a father should encourage
his son to succeed him in business, even if the business be not his
but that of a corporation in which he is simply an official. Many of
the means employed to this end—education, travel, apprenticeship,
and so on—are beyond reproach. Others involve gross favouritism and
disregard of the merits of employees not connected with the family.
The most noteworthy point involved in this illustration is that a
procedure which passes without question in business and family circles
is recognised as reprehensible in politics. From this discrepance in
social judgments it follows, however, that the man who has made a
success in politics may find it very difficult to see anything but
the far-fetched morality of the “unco-guid” in the proposition that
he may not provide places in the public service for his relatives and
dependents, just as the man who has been successful as a merchant or
manufacturer is in the habit of doing in his store or factory.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account