Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
A third illustration of the uneven distribution of corruption
throughout a political structure may be found in our own case. In the
United States, as is well known, the general opinion of the honesty
and efficiency of the federal government is extremely high; state
government enjoys considerably less repute; and municipal government
is pretty commonly and indiscriminately condemned. Even in the case
of the latter, however, it is worth while to observe that in some
cities otherwise considered almost hopelessly bad, certain departments,
notably public schools and fire protection, are recognised as being
managed on a much higher plane than other branches of the municipal
service. In such cases public recognition of the importance of the
departments concerned has led to an insistence on efficiency and
honesty that has proven effective. The conclusion would seem to be well
founded, therefore, that a proper recognition by our city population
of the vital importance of other branches of the service, such as
sanitation, refuse disposal, water supply, building and housing
inspection, letting of contracts, and so on, would go far toward
bringing about much needed improvements.
It would also appear that corruption may be omnipresent and yet not
extremely harmful because of the moderation of its demands. A practical
politician once remarked that “the people will never kick on a ten
per cent rake off.” It is quite possible that the effort to wipe out
so modest a tribute by a reform agitation opposed to the principle of
the thing might cost more in effort or even in campaign expenses than
would be represented by the saving to the municipal treasury or public.
Obviously, however, the advisability of an effort for the establishment
of honest government is not to be calculated in financial values only.
The moral effect of a corrupt exaction of ten per cent which no one
thinks it worth while to attack may be worse than the moral effect
of a fifty per cent exaction which is vigorously condemned. A purely
Machiavellian machine leader may also discern a degree of danger
lurking in a government ten per cent corrupt due to the very fact that
the electorate accepts it with quiescence. Under such conditions it
is difficult to convince the more greedy minor politicians that while
they can get ten per cent without a murmur they could not take twenty
or even fifteen per cent without serious trouble. The great expenses
of political management which the leaders are called upon to meet must
also incline them at times to exactions beyond the verge of prudence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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