Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
From the point of view of an organisation politician, therefore, the
determination of the limits within which corruption seems safe is a
serious and ever present problem. Certain features of the situation
may be noted as exerting an influence in favour of a moderate policy.
One of these is the contractual nature of many corrupt practices that
are alleged to be common. For example, franchises sought by dishonest
means usually possess a value which is pretty exactly known to the
intending purchasers. The amount which they are actually willing to
pay may be determined only after close bargaining and the allowance of
a large discount owing to the danger inseparable from this method of
acquisition. Immunity to carry on businesses under the ban of the law
is subject to the same rule.
The “Gambling Commission” which was said to exist in New York in
1900-’01, and to have been “composed of a Commissioner who is at the
head of one of the city departments, two State Senators, and the
dictator of the pool-room syndicate of this city,”[37] owed its partial
exposure to a violation of this rule. The “Commission” was alleged to
have established a regular tariff for the various forms of gambling as
follows:—Pool Rooms, $300 per month; Crap Games, and Gambling Houses
(small), $150 per month; Gambling Houses (large), $1000 per month;
Envelope Games, $50 per month. These rates would seem sufficiently
high to provoke complaint from those who had to pay them. Nevertheless
the exposure, which came from the gamblers themselves, was not so
much due to the size of the exactions as to the great increase in the
number of the gambling houses which the “Commission” licensed in order
to secure larger revenues. In the end, as one member of the sporting
fraternity phrased it, “there were not enough suckers to go ’round.”
The whole incident illustrates the principle, if the word can be used
in such an unhallowed connection, that in order to enjoy any permanent
success, corruption must by all means avoid extreme rapacity; it must
endeavour to keep alive that which it feeds on. Castro, for example,
was a highwayman rather than a grafter. He lacked the moderation, the
fine sense of proportion, necessary to qualify one for success in the
latter rôle. To paraphrase a familiar principle of taxation, a part
of income may be taken but corrupt encroachments on capital sums are
dangerous.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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