Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Prudential considerations restraining corruption are apt to be much
more keenly felt by a thoroughly organised machine than in cases where
corruption is practised by disorganised groups and individuals each
seeking its or his own advantage regardless of any common interest.
The “cohesive power of public plunder,” as President Cleveland
ponderously phrased it, may thus come to operate as a moderating
force. Notoriously corrupt city governments have not infrequently
distinguished themselves by maintaining extremely low tax rates,
or at least rates which appear to be low. Largely on this basis a
quasi-philosophic defence of corrupt municipal rule was made several
years ago by Daniel G. Thompson.[38] Arguing that some degree of
corruption was inevitable in all political organisations, he held
that they should be regarded by the voter in exactly the same light
as bidders for a contract. Government should simply be handed over
to the organisation making, all things considered, the lowest bid,
which in New York city, Mr. Thompson thought, would usually be Tammany
Hall. The argument is so thoroughly feudal in its conception of
politics that one finds it difficult to believe in the author’s entire
sincerity, although this is flatly asseverated throughout the book.
Moral objections similar to those employed against the doctrine of the
inviolability of a “ten per cent rake-off” thoroughly dispose of any
rational claim it may make to attention. Political experience is also
against it. Reform movements particularly in municipalities may be
laughed at as “spasms,” but these movements, which are usually based
largely on charges of corruption, occur so frequently as to discredit
the belief that purely prudential considerations on the part of
corruptionists will restrain effectively the excesses of their demands.
Supine acceptance by the electorate of the “lowest bidder” theory
would speedily result in the submission of none but extortionately
high bids. In the long run “millions for defence but not one cent for
tribute” is a sentiment quite as justifiable economically as ethically.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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