Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Even in dealing with those subjects concerning which a given paper is
not honest with its readers great care must be exercised. So far as
possible it must conceal the evidences of selfish interest and present
its case on grounds of public policy. Now arguments based on such
grounds are always worthy at least of consideration. A very large part
of political discussion, not only journalistic but of other kinds,
is “inspired” in this fashion, and it not infrequently happens that
what may be in accord with the self interest of individuals and groups
is also in accord with public interest. If this is not the case a
competing paper ought to be able to expose pretty effectively the false
assertions of its wily contemporary. In dealing with national questions
which are discussed by newspapers in every part of the country this
function of mutual criticism is in general well performed. Cases
occur, however, especially in connection with municipal issues, where
practically every paper of wide local circulation is either silenced
or actively engaged in the support of a crooked deal. Under such
circumstances a fight in defence of public interest is almost hopeless.
The more nearly the press of a given district approaches this condition
of corrupt paralysis, however, the brighter are the opportunities for
an opposition paper. In journalism as everywhere in the world of social
phenomena the inviolable law prevails that a function cannot be abused
without corresponding harm to the agency which allows itself to be
perverted. If it should ever happen,—although at the present time the
prospect seems remote enough,—that a thoroughgoing control embracing
the daily papers of the whole country should be established in defence
of consolidated interests, it is certain that some new agency of
publicity would spring up in the interest of the people as a whole. In
the end the daily papers themselves would be the worst sufferers from
a general perversion of their activities. As a matter of fact a new
and powerful journalistic organ has already developed an influence not
incomparable with that of the daily press. The wonderful growth of the
low priced monthly and weekly magazines during the decade just past
has been explained on various grounds:—the cheapening of paper and of
illustrations, the second-class mailing privilege, the effectiveness
of such media for advertisement, and so on. No doubt these factors go
far toward explaining the great expansion of magazine circulation, but
in spite of much journalistic prejudice to the contrary circulation
and influence are not necessarily correlative. And the influence, as
distinct from the circulation, of the magazines has been due very
largely to the boldness and effectiveness with which they assailed many
public abuses with regard to which for one reason or another the daily
press was silent or even favourable. Of course the detached situation
of the magazines made it easy and even profitable for them to pursue
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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