Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject — John Shaqi
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
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Transcriber's Notes:
Spelling and punctuation anomalies were retained, such as
"Masachusettes" and "philanthrophy" on page 40. The table of
contents can be found at the end of this book.
δουλεἱα
COTTON IS KING,
AND
PRO-SLAVERY ARGUMENTS:
COMPRISING THE WRITINGS OF
HAMMOND, HARPER, CHRISTY, STRINGFELLOW, HODGE, BLEDSOE, AND CARTWRIGHT,
ON THIS IMPORTANT SUBJECT.
BY
E. N. ELLIOTT, L.L.D., PRESIDENT OF PLANTERS' COLLEGE, MISSISSIPPI.
WITH AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW, BY THE
EDITOR.
PUBLISHED AND SOLD EXCLUSIVELY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
AUGUSTA, GA: PRITCHARD, ABBOTT & LOOMIS. 1860.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by M. P. ABBOTT
AND GEO. M. LOOMIS,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for
the Southern District of Georgia.
INTRODUCTION.
THERE is now but one great question dividing the American people, and
that, to the great danger of the stability of our government, the
concord and harmony of our citizens, and the perpetuation of our
liberties, divides us by a geographical line. Hence estrangement,
alienation, enmity, have arisen between the North and the South, and
those who, from "the times that tried men's souls," have stood shoulder
to shoulder in asserting their rights against the world; who, as a band
of brothers, had combined to build up this fair fabric of human liberty,
are now almost in the act of turning their fratricidal arms against each
other's bosoms. All other parties that have existed in our country, were
segregated on questions of policy affecting the whole nation and each
individual composing it alike; they pervaded every section of the Union,
and the acerbity of political strife was softened by the ties of blood,
friendship, and neighborhood association. Moreover, these parties were
constantly changing, on account of the influence mutually exerted by the
members of each; the Federalist of yesterday becomes the Republican of
to-day, and Whigs and Democrats change their party allegiance with every
change of leaders. If the republicans mismanaged the government, they
suffered the consequences alike with the federalists; if the democrats
plunged our country into difficulties, they had to abide the penalty as
well as the whigs. All parties alike had to suffer the evils, or enjoy
the advantages of bad or good government. But it has been reserved to
our own times to witness the rise, growth, and prevalence of a party
confined exclusively to one section of the Union, whose fundamental
principle is opposition to the rights and interests of the other
section; and this, too, when those rights are most sacredly guaranteed,
and those interests protected, by that compact under which we became a
united nation. In a free government like ours, the eclecticism of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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