Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
And, finally, the Continental Congress, which met at Philadelphia, Sept.
5, 1774, in passing its non-importation, non-exportation, and
non-consumption Agreement, included the following as the second article
of that document:
"That we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the
first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue
the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will
we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manfactures to those
who are concerned in it."[126]
To afford a clear view of the reasons which prompted the colonies to
adopt such stringent measures to compel Parliament to repeal its
oppressive acts, it is only necessary to quote the very brief summary of
grievances of which they complained, as drawn up by the Pennsylvania
Convention, which met in Philadelphia, July 15, 1774:
"The legislative authority claimed by Parliament over these colonies,
consists of two heads: first, a general power of internal legislation;
and, secondly, a power of regulating our trade; both, she contends, are
unlimited. Under the first may be included, among other powers, those of
forbidding us to worship our Creator in the manner we think most
acceptable to him--imposing taxes on us--collecting them by their own
officers--enforcing the collection by Admiralty Courts, or Courts
Martial--abolishing trials by jury--establishing a standing army among
us in time of peace, without consent of our Assemblies--paying them with
our money--seizing our young men for recruits--changing constitutions of
government--stopping the press--declaring any action, even a meeting of
the smallest number, to consider of peaceable modes to obtain redress of
grievances, high treason--taking colonists to Great Britain to be
tried--exempting 'murderers' of colonists from punishment, by carrying
them to England, to answer indictments found in the colonies--shutting
up our ports--prohibiting us from slitting iron to build our houses,
making hats to cover our heads, or clothing to cover the rest of our
bodies, etc."[127]
It was in the midst of grievances such as these, and of efforts of
redress such as the adoption of the Non-Intercourse Agreement was
expected to afford, that the resolutions against the slave trade and
slavery were passed. What, then, was their true import? Did the patriots
of the Revolution contemplate the enfranchisement of the negro, in the
event of securing their own independence? Did their views of free
institutions include the idea that barbarism and civilization could
coalesce and co-exist in harmony and safety? Or did they not hold, as a
great fundamental truth, that a high degree of intelligence and moral
principle was essential to the success of free government? And was it
not on this very principle, that they opposed the further introduction
of negroes from Africa, and afterwards, by a special clause in the
Constitution, excluded the Indians from citizenship?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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