Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
Previous to the commencement of hostilities, the resolutions of the
colonists, adverse to the slave trade and slavery, were designed to
operate against British commerce; but, after that event, the measures
adopted had reference, mainly, to the prevention of the increase of a
population that had been, and might continue to be, employed against the
liberties of the colonies. That such a course formed a part of the
policy of Great Britain, is beyond dispute; and that she considered the
prosecution of the slave trade as necessary to her purposes, was clearly
indicated by the Earl of Dartmouth, who declared, as a sufficient reason
for turning a deaf ear to the remonstrances of the colonists against the
further importation of slaves, that "Negroes cannot become
republicans--they will be a power in our hands to restrain the unruly
colonists." That such motives prompted England to prosecute the
introduction of slaves into the colonies, was fully believed by American
statesmen; and their views were expressed, by Mr. Jefferson, in a clause
in the first draft of the Declaration of Independence, but which was
afterward omitted.
That the emancipation of the negroes was not contemplated, by those in
general, who voted for the resolutions quoted, is evident from the
subsequent action of Virginia, where the greater portion of the meetings
were held. They could not have intended to enfranchise men, whom they
declared to be obstacles in the way of public prosperity, and as
dangerous to the virtues of the people. Nor could the signers of the
Declaration of Independence have designed to include the Indians and
negroes in the assertion that all men are created equal, because these
same men, in afterwards adopting the Constitution, deliberately
excluded the Indians from citizenship, and forever fixed the negro in a
condition of servitude, under that Constitution, by including him, as a
slave, in the article fixing the ratio of Congressional representation
on the basis of five negroes equaling three white men. The phrase--"all
men are created equal"--could, therefore, have meant nothing more than
the declaration of a general principle, asserting the equality of the
colonists, before God, with those who claimed it as a divine right to
lord it over them. The Indians were men as well as the negroes. Both
were within the territory over which the United Colonies claimed
jurisdiction. The exclusion of both from citizenship under the
Constitution, is conclusive that neither were intended to be embraced in
the Declaration of Independence.
That the colonists were determined, at any sacrifice, to achieve their
own liberties, even at the sacrifice of their slave property, seems to
have been the opinion of intelligent Englishmen. Burke, in his speech
already quoted, thus dissipates the hopes of those who expected to find
less resistance at the South than at the North.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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