Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New Constitution — John Shaqi
Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New ConstitutionDaggett, David
History
Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New Constitution
Daggett, David
Connecticut -- Politics and government -- 1775-1865; Constitutional law -- Connecticut
2. Another item in the expense of accomplishing these projects, is a
corruption of morals. To revolutionize Connecticut it will be necessary
to circulate, without any intermission, many gross falsehoods respecting
the men in power, the judges, legislators and magistrates, and the acts
and proceedings of the General Assembly. We have seen the columns of the
Mercury and the Republican Farmer filled with vile libels.--WE have seen
Abraham Bishop followed by hundreds enter a temple devoted to the
service of God, and we have heard him there utter the most malignant
slanders on the Clergy, the Legislature and the Courts of law.--We have
seen him publicly denounce one class and another of his fellow citizens
as hypocrites, old tories and traitors.--We have seen him receiving for
this, the applause of a wretched collection of disappointed, ambitious
and corrupt men. This has been borne and the author despised, and
indignantly hissed from the society of the respectable and virtuous--but
the end is not gained--new themes of reviling--new subjects of abuse
must be sought, and the party who wish to effect a revolution, are
pledged to uphold and protect the agents however wicked. What then may
now be expected? That dreadful declaration "Truth is fallen in their
streets" will soon be but an inconsiderable part of our miserable
character. It need not be added that such a condition evinces great
corruption of morals.
3. Another part of this expense will be the elevation of men to office
who are unworthy of public confidence. What can a nation or state expect
from such men? What could now be expected from these men but that they
become immediately the creatures of a party--the tools of a faction? Is
it worthy of no consideration that judges who are to be the arbiters of
controversies--who are to adjudicate on the lives of their fellow
citizens, and to whom is committed the dearest and highest interests of
society, should be men of virtue--of wisdom and of unsullied reputation?
Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leader
can crush them with his nod? Be not deceived my fellow citizens--no
nation hath yet made such an experiment without feeling its bitter and
dreadful effects. See the revolutionary tribunals of France--See in them
a melancholy picture of corrupt courts and unprincipled judges--The
cruelty of that nation hath appeared no where more infernal than through
their forms of law and in their sanctuaries of justice--a corrupt
judgment seat is the greatest curse with which a people can be punished.
In the mean time all subordinate tribunals will partake of the same
character.--Thus instead of a government of laws, there will be the
tyranny of a desperate faction.--Let no one reply that there is no
danger of such evils in Connecticut. We now see a few leaders controul a
party of several thousands--We have seen six hundred meet and applaud
the purchase of Louisiana when not one in five of them could form any
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