Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New Constitution — John Shaqi
Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New ConstitutionDaggett, David
History
Count the Cost: An Address to the People of Connecticut, On Sundry Political Subjects, and Particularly on the Proposition for a New Constitution
Daggett, David
Connecticut -- Politics and government -- 1775-1865; Constitutional law -- Connecticut
4thly. Experience, the only save and unerring guide, is altogether in
favor of elections at large rather than by Districts. The representation
of this State in Congress has ever been of the most respectable
character--It is not too much to say that no State in the Union can
justly claim a superiority to Connecticut in this respect. The fame may
be affirmed, with truth, of the upper house of the Legislature of this
State. Has there not been a constant succession of able and wise men in
that branch of the administration of Connecticut? For more than a
century we have preserved an unexampled prosperity.--shall we hazard
our interests on the speculations of zealous partizans who are
constantly bewildering themselves and their followers in new schemes?
Another project is that of universal suffrage. The streets resound with
the clamour that men are deprived of the invaluable privilege of
choosing their rulers, and the people are invited to extend this
privilege to all who pay taxes and do military duty. It is now
discovered that Connecticut, in this particular, is not free.--The
great argument urged in support of universal suffrage is that taxation
and representation should go hand in hand--it is said that this maxim
was deemed just during the revolutionary war, and that Americans adhered
to it as a fundamental principle.--This principle the writer readily
recognizes as a sound and indisputable position in every free
government. But what is the meaning of the maxim? Does it intend that
every person who is taxed, can of right claim the privilege of giving
his suffrage? If so persons convicted of offences, or who are infamous
for their vices may vote--for such persons are not outlawed.--On this
principle, women of full age and unmarried, are also to be admitted.--
Minors also whose property is taxed, should be permitted to exercise
this franchise, at least by guardian or proxy. What then is the true
meaning of the maxim, that representation and taxation are inseparable?
Here all writers agree--it means that no community should be taxed by
the legislature unless that community is, or might have been represented
in such legislature.--Hence several towns in this State till lately,
were not represented in the General Assembly, and of course not taxed.--
Barkhempsted, Colebrook, and Winchester, it is believed, were of this
description.
This State and the other States understood this maxim precisely as now
explained, in their opposition to Great-Britain.--We complained that
the colonies should not be taxed because they were not represented in
parliament. In this view of the subject the maxim is wise and just.
Again, is not every town in Connecticut now represented in the
legislature, and of course each individual equally with every other? In
the representative of Hartford, for example, a representative of the
freemen of Hartford, or of the town of Hartford? The truth is, every
man, woman and child are represented.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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