Criminality and economic conditionsBonger, Willem Adriaan
General
Criminality and economic conditions
Bonger, Willem Adriaan
Crime -- Economic aspects
—The value of Dr. Weisz’s information would be greater if he had given
us the relation of the figures for criminality to those for
population.—
XII.
W. STARKE. [62]
The first chapter that interests us is Chapter V (“Die Umgestaltung des
Volkslebens, ihre Einwirkung auf die Kriminalität,” etc.) Sec. 3 (“die
Sorge für die nothwendigsten Lebensbedürfnisse und die
Lebensmittelpreise”).
[PLATE I. (STARKE)]
Just as the influence of the price of food makes itself felt in the
number of marriages and births, it is also visible in the figures for
criminality. So, when the temperature of the winter is very low (e.g.
1855, ’56, ’65, and ’71), since men have greater wants than ordinary,
criminality rises. Thefts of wood increase during these years, for
example. But it is in only one part of the year that the cold makes
itself felt, while the high price of food lasts the whole year. Hence
the latter has much more influence on criminality.
[PLATE II. (STARKE)]
In the first of the plates which the author gives (see Plates I–VI),
the effect of the rise in prices is distinctly seen in the period
1849–1855. The fall that follows is also accompanied by a diminution in
the number of crimes. When, at the close of 1858, the price of rye and
potatoes begins to rise again, criminality also increases, though not
so much. We do not see this agreement during the years 1861–1865. While
prices rise in 1866, criminality declines as a consequence of the war
with Austria, and of economic events.
The years 1870–1871, during which prices rose, show a fall in the
figures for crime, a second exception to the rule therefore, since
1866. At the close of 1875 criminality increased greatly, although
prices rose but little, and when, in 1877, prices begin to come down,
the curve for criminality goes on rising. As for the years 1870–1871,
the explanation is to be found in the war, which strengthened the
feeling of solidarity (as in a less degree in 1866). Further, the
development of manufacturing had already begun by the end of the war,
and the war itself withdrew from ordinary life many persons who,
without it, might have committed crime. The author mentions also the
great diminution of crime in France during these years.
We note, however, that the French statisticians (Lafargue, for example)
consider these years as of little importance in the study of
criminality, since the police and the courts were then much less active
than at ordinary times. The same causes may be supposed to have been
active in Prussia also, though in a less degree than in France.
At the close of the middle of this century manufacturing was but
slightly developed in Prussia. But after the war its development
assumed gigantic proportions. Wealth increased, but was not evenly
distributed, as the following table from the income tax returns shows:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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