Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 5: With a Memoir and IndexMacaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 5: With a Memoir and Index
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
The proud Duke of Somerset, first in rank of all the nobles whose origin
permitted them to sit in Parliament, was the ostensible author of the
measure. But it was supported, and, in truth, devised by the Prime
Minister.
We are satisfied that the Bill was most pernicious; and we fear that the
motives which induced Sunderland to frame it were not honourable to him.
But we cannot deny that it was supported by many of the best {416}and
wisest men of that age. Nor was this strange. The royal prerogative had,
within the memory of the generation then in the vigour of life, been so
grossly abased, that it was still regarded with a jealousy which, when
the peculiar situation of the House of Brunswick is considered, may
perhaps be called immoderate. The particular prerogative of creating
peers had, in the opinion of the Whigs, been grossly abused by Queen
Anne’s last Ministry; and even the Tories admitted that her Majesty, in
swamping, as it has since been called, the Upper House, had done
what only an extreme case could justify. The theory of the English
constitution, according to many high authorities, was that three
independent powers, the sovereign, the nobility, and the commons, ought
constantly to act as checks on each other. If this theory were sound,
it seemed to follow that to put one of these powers under the absolute
control of the other two, was absurd. But if the number of peers were
unlimited, it could not well be denied that the Upper House was under
the absolute control of the Crown and the Commons, and was indebted only
to their moderation for any power which it might be suffered to retain.
Steele took part with the Opposition, Addison with the Ministers.
Steele, in a paper called the Plebeian, vehemently attacked the bill.
Sunderland called for help on Addison, and Addison obeyed the call. In
a paper called the Old Whig, he answered, and indeed refuted
Steele’s arguments. It seems to us that the premises of both the
controversialists were unsound, that, on those premises, Addison
reasoned well and Steele ill, and that consequently Addison brought out
a false conclusion while Steele blundered upon the truth. In style, in
wit, and in politeness, Addison {417}maintained his superiority, though
the Old Whig is by no means one of his happiest performances.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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