Cuba and Her People of To-day: An account of the history and progress of the island previous to its independence; a description of its physical features; a study of its people; and, in particular, an examination of its present political conditions, its industries, natural resources, and prospects; together with information and suggestions designed to aid the prospective investor or settlerForbes-Lindsay, C. H.
History
Cuba and Her People of To-day: An account of the history and progress of the island previous to its independence; a description of its physical features; a study of its people; and, in particular, an examination of its present political conditions, its industries, natural resources, and prospects; together with information and suggestions designed to aid the prospective investor or settler
Forbes-Lindsay, C. H.
Cuba
A circumstantial account of the war of liberation would make anything
but pleasant reading. Aside from the fact that on one side was a
down-trodden people struggling to throw off the yoke of the oppressor,
there was little in the conflict to excite admiration, or even interest.
Barbarities of the worst kind were practised by the insurgents as well
as by the Spaniards, and it would be profitless to enquire where the
balance of blame lay when both were so deeply guilty. From the technical
point of view the protracted hostilities hardly deserved to be termed
war. Until the participation of the United States there was not an
engagement which might be justly described as a battle. Neither side
displayed any extraordinary military capacity, but the plans and
movements of the rebels were characterized by greater intelligence and
purpose than those of their opponents. During the entire war one
manœuvre alone was of a high order of strategy. That was the brilliant
operation in which Antonio Maceo, the mulatto, swept from end to end of
the Island, and lighted the flame of rebellion throughout its length.
One of the most important features of the war was the prominent part
taken in it by the black and colored elements of the population. They
formed the backbone of the insurgent army, and furnished several of its
most able leaders. As a result the “race of color” has secured a
standing and influence in Cuba which it does not enjoy in any other
country where the Caucasian is dominant.
On one of the closing days of 1895, the constitutional guarantees were
suspended in Cuba by proclamation. The Government had suddenly awakened
to the fact that a mine had been quietly laid beneath its feet. For
months a wide-spread conspiracy, having its fountainhead in the United
States, had been in existence. The Cuban Junta in New York had, during
this time, energetically collected money and arms for the purpose of
promoting a rebellion with greater determination and upon better
organized lines than ever before. With some of the leaders the object
entertained was autonomy; with others, complete independence; and with
a third element, annexation to the United States. All were united,
however, in a burning desire to terminate the rule of Spain over their
native land.
For some time previous to the proclamation of the Governor-General, arms
and ammunition had been shipped to Cuba from various American ports and
were secreted in different parts of the Island. Several local outbreaks
had presaged the approaching storm, which burst in March. Before the
close of April, the brothers Maceo, Jose Marti, and Maximo Gomez had
returned to Cuba and resumed their respective places at the head of the
rebel ranks. Close upon their heels arrived Martinez Campos, who had
effected the peace at Zanjon, to take the part of Governor-General.
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