Cuba and Her People of To-day: An account of the history and progress of the island previous to its independence; a description of its physical features; a study of its people; and, in particular, an examination of its present political conditions, its industries, natural resources, and prospects; together with information and suggestions designed to aid the prospective investor or settler — John Shaqi
Cuba and Her People of To-day: An account of the history and progress of the island previous to its independence; a description of its physical features; a study of its people; and, in particular, an examination of its present political conditions, its industries, natural resources, and prospects; together with information and suggestions designed to aid the prospective investor or settlerForbes-Lindsay, C. H.
History
Cuba and Her People of To-day: An account of the history and progress of the island previous to its independence; a description of its physical features; a study of its people; and, in particular, an examination of its present political conditions, its industries, natural resources, and prospects; together with information and suggestions designed to aid the prospective investor or settler
Forbes-Lindsay, C. H.
Cuba
By the middle of 1897, the Island was a mass of blackened ruins, an
expanse of homeless waste. And the flood of insurrection had not been
stayed in the slightest degree. Weyler had failed more utterly than
Campos. But he had done more; he had aroused in the public mind of
America a realization of the stubborn opposition of the Cubans to
Spanish rule and the hopelessness of Spain’s effort to reassert it,
combined with indignation at her methods. At length, but all too late,
Spain awoke to the futility of longer attempting repression, and the
necessity of conceding to the Cubans a liberal measure of justice and
independence. Weyler was recalled, and General Blanco came to Cuba,
bearing in his hand the olive branch of autonomy. He arrived in November
and immediately set about reversing the policy of his predecessor.
Amnesty was offered to all revolutionists; harsh decrees were annulled
or suspended; political prisoners were released; the rigors of
reconcentration were relaxed; the officials appointed by Weyler
throughout the Island were removed and Cubans invited to take their
places; a cabinet was actually installed at Habana and the machinery of
home rule put in motion.
It was all of no avail. The insurgent leaders in the field positively
refused to accept any
[Illustration: STREET SCENE, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.]
terms short of independence. In this attitude they were encouraged by
the _Junta_ in New York who, by the beginning of 1898, felt confident of
the early active interposition of the United States. Such a consummation
was rendered more probable by the movement, started at the close of the
previous year on the part of the Cuban sugar planters, to secretly
apprise the United States of their desire for its intervention.
The first overt act in the war with Spain was the President’s call for
volunteers, issued April 23rd, 1898. Four days later, Admiral Dewey left
Hongkong for Manila, where, on the first day of May, he captured or
destroyed the Spanish fleet stationed there. June 14th, the first
detachment of American troops left for Cuba under General Shafter, and
landed in the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. On the first and second days
of July the Spaniards were defeated in the engagement of San Juan, and
on the third, Admiral Cervera’s ships were totally destroyed by the
American fleet under the command of Captain Sampson.
August 12th, a protocol provided for a cessation of hostilities, and on
December 10th, a treaty of peace between the United States and Spain
was signed at Paris, securing to Cuba absolute freedom on the single
condition of establishing “a stable government capable of maintaining
order and observing international obligations.”
Thus closed the final war of independence, which cost Cuba at least
twelve per cent. of her population and two-thirds of her wealth. She
emerged from it weak and impoverished, with political and economic
structures shaken to their bases, and helpless but for the supporting
hand of the United States.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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