Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia. — John Shaqi
Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.Dante Alighieri
Philosophy
Dante. An essay. To which is added a translation of De Monarchia.
Dante Alighieri
Church and state -- Early works to 1800; Dante Alighieri, 1265-1321; Italy -- Politics and government -- 476-1268
Two cities were the centres of ancient history in its most interesting
time. And two cities of modern Italy represent, with entirely
undesigned but curiously exact coincidence, the parts of Athens and
Rome. Venice, superficially so unlike, is yet in many of its
accidental features, and still more in its spirit, the counterpart of
Rome, in its obscure and mixed origin, in its steady growth, in its
quick sense of order and early settlement of its polity, in its grand
and serious public spirit, in its subordination of the individual to
the family, and the family to the state, in its combination of remote
dominion with the liberty of a solitary and sovereign city. And though
the associations and the scale of the two were so different--though
Rome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and
galleys--the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and
predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of
1000 years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and
steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with
greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII.; and that great
aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so
practical, who combined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the
self-devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the uniformity
and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its
Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii.
And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than Venice with
Italian and contemporary Florence--stability with fitfulness,
independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled
liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren
intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capricious, turbulent, the city
of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round
her--Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its
utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial; waging her little
summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her
own exiles; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of
individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians--Florence in
its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not
depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its
noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And
the course of its history is similar and the result of similar
causes--a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful
energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious
achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and
sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had its Peisistratidæ
more successful than those of Athens; it had, too, its Harmodius and
Aristogeiton; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as
unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it
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