On the 13th of September the Parliament, at the desire of the King,
voted the amnesty. While it was actually voting, a constable called
Damien got into the gallery of the hall in which Danton and the electors
were debating, and sent a note to the president asking him to allow the
arrest. The president and the electoral college (who did not like Danton,
by the way, and who would not give him more than forty votes when it came
to electing members for Paris) yet ordered the arrest by Damien, and it
was only when they learnt of the amnesty that, on Danton’s own motion, he
was released.
It has just been said that Danton failed to be elected: let us point out
the conditions under which the Legislative met, that short Parliament
of one year which made the war, and saw to its dismay the end of the
monarchy.
The Legislative was not elected in one of those moments of decision which
were the formative points of the Revolution. It came upon a very curious
juncture, and showed in all its first acts a marked indecision.
The members were chosen under the action of a peculiar combination, or
rather confusion of emotions. The King had fled, had been recaptured.
France, of many possible evils, had chosen what she believed to be the
least when she reinstated him. “The New Pact” was accepted even by those
who had spoken of the Republic in July. Condorcet, who had led the civic
theorists towards the Republic, leads them also now in this movement of
reconciliation. Again, these were the first elections held since the
middle class and the peasantry had been given the suffrage over the heads
of the artisans: it was the most sober part of France that dictated the
policy of the moment. The divisions that the King’s flight had laid
bare, the sharp reaction and terror of the Champ de Mars—all these were
forgotten.
Thus the Parliament will not have Garran-Coulon for its first president,
and yet on the next day passes the extreme democratic etiquette as to
the reception of the King should he visit the Assembly. Next day it
repeals this, and when the King does visit the Assembly, he is met by an
outburst of loyalty and affection.
As to parties, the power lay, as it always does in a French Assembly,
with the centre—some three hundred men, unimportant, of no fixed idea,
unless indeed it were to keep the Legislative to the work for which it
had been elected, that is, to keep it moving moderately on the lines laid
down for it by the constitution of 1791.
The right, well organised, loyal and brave, was Feuillant; that is, it
was monarchic and constitutional, but more monarchic than constitutional.
It was the support of Lafayette, and on the whole the centre would vote
with it on any important occasion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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