Remove the scene by hundreds of years, and tell it of a primitive people
in some mountain valley, it assumes a simplicity and a grandeur as
legend. Their old traditions (let us say) have been lost or stolen from
them. They are casting about for a lawgiver and for a starting-point. A
pure idealist is found, draconian in his method, but ascetic and sincere
in his life, laying down as necessary for the state a clear and simple
morality, basing all ethics on the recognition and the worship of God. If
we make that picture we have some idea of what passed through the mind
of the little clique which still surrounded Robespierre, some conception
of the picture which still half-fascinated the crowd. For Robespierre
himself it was intensely true; he lived æons and myriads of leagues away
in time and space from humanity, intent upon his dream.
But in sight of the mummery stood Notre Dame. Not a man there but had
been baptized in the Christian faith; a history more complex and more
eventful than that of perhaps any other nation was the inheritance and
the future of that crowd. And even as the game was being played, the real
France on the Sambre and in the plains of Valenciennes was carrying out
the oldest of struggles in defence of the first of rights. The scene has
been laughed at and despised sufficiently by aliens within and without
the French nation; let it suffice for this book to insist upon its
unreality, and to assert that its principal actor was genuine because he
lived in the unreal.
The law of the 22nd of Prairial followed this feast. It was the
establishment of a pure despotism, arbitrary, absolute, personal. Already
the trials were centralised in Paris since the demand of St. Just had
been made. The Commune had been captured, the popular commissions used,
even the Presidency of the Convention had become the appanage of one
man and his associates. This new law proposed the final step. After it
was passed the trials were to be conducted without proofs, and without
witness or pleading, for they were to be nothing more than a formal
process. The Committee once satisfied of guilt, the tribunal was merely
to condemn. To be upon the lists was virtually to be dead. It was the
end of civil government, the declaration of a state of siege. And that
at the moment when the armies sent every day better and better news. The
Convention debated with Robespierre in the chair; it hesitated and it
nearly condemned the proposal. There was a conflict in the minds of some
between the admiration—almost the adoration—of a man; in the minds of
others, between fear and the necessity apparent to all of relaxing the
machinery which only the national danger had called into being.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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