Definitions in Political Economy,: Preceded by an Inquiry Into the Rules which Ought to Guide Political Economists in the Definition and Use of Their Terms; with Remarks on the Deviation from These Rules in Their WritingsMalthus, T. R. (Thomas Robert)
General
Definitions in Political Economy,: Preceded by an Inquiry Into the Rules which Ought to Guide Political Economists in the Definition and Use of Their Terms; with Remarks on the Deviation from These Rules in Their Writings
Malthus, T. R. (Thomas Robert)
Classical school of economics; Economics
entirely, and to keep a country permanently in a semi-barbarous state.
Mr. Macculloch, when not under the influence of his definition, justly
observes, that “the great practical problem, involved in that part of
the science of political economy which treats of the production of
wealth, must resolve itself into a discussion of the means whereby the
greatest amount of necessary, useful, and desirable products may be
obtained with the least possible quantity of labour.”[32] But among the
unproductive labourers of Adam Smith there is no room for such saving of
labour. The pre-eminent advantages to be derived from capital,
machinery, and the division of labour, are here almost entirely lost;
and in most instances the saving of labour would defeat the very end in
view, namely, the parade of attendance, and the pride of commanding a
numerous body of followers.
Now, if the employment of the labour required to produce material
conveniencies and luxuries necessarily occasions the creation and
distribution of capital, and, further, affords room for all the
advantages resulting from the saving of labour and the most extended use
of machinery; while the employment of the labour, called by Adam Smith
unproductive, is necessarily cut off from all these benefits, I would
ask whether these two circumstances _alone_ do not form a sufficiently
marked line of distinction amply to justify the classification of Adam
Smith; and the utility of such a classification, in explaining the
_causes_ of the wealth of nations, is most obvious and striking.
So difficult is it, consistently, to maintain a definition which
contradicts the common usage of language, and the common feelings of
mankind, that I have not the least doubt, if Mr. Macculloch himself were
to travel through two countries of the kind before described, that is,
one flourishing in manufactures and commerce, and the other, though with
the same population and food, furnishing little more to the great mass
of its people than _panem et Circenses_, he would call the latter poor,
and the former comparatively rich.
Now, what must have been the cause of this difference? Adam Smith would
give a simple, sufficient, and most intelligible reason for it. He would
say, that the number and powers of those whom he had called productive
labourers, had been much greater in one country than in the other. This
seems to be a clear and satisfactory explanation. How Mr. Macculloch
could explain the matter according to doctrines which make no difference
between the different kinds of labour, I am utterly at a loss to
conjecture[33].
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