Democracy; France -- Politics and government -- 1789-1900; France -- Social conditions -- 19th century
Nor is it only at the summit and centre of government that these
principles ought to guide the organization of power; they are equally
applicable through the whole extent of the country, in the management of
its local, no less than of its general affairs. A great deal has been
said in favour of centralization and administrative unity, and there is
no doubt that they have rendered great service to France. We shall
preserve many of their forms, regulations, maxims, and works; but the
time of their sovereignty is past. Centralization is no longer
sufficient for the chief wants and pressing dangers of society. The
struggle is no longer confined to the centre; it agitates the whole
nation. Since property, family, and all the bases of society, are
attacked everywhere, they must everywhere be vigorously defended; and
functionaries or orders which have to travel from the centre of
government will be found a very inadequate defence, even though
supported by bayonets. Landed proprietors, and heads of families, who
are the natural guardians of society, must all be enjoined and empowered
to maintain its security by conducting its affairs: they must have an
active share in the management of its local as well as its general
interests; in the administration, as well as the government of the
country: the central government ought to uphold the banner of social
order, but it cannot bear the whole burthen of it unaided.
I speak always on the presumption that I am speaking _to_ a free
country, and _of_ a free government; for it is under free governments
that the safety of society demands all these conditions: they have
evidently no application to absolute governments.
Absolute power is, however, subject to certain conditions, as well as
liberty. It is far from being always possible where it would be
submitted to, nor can it be obtained wherever it is desired.
Let the friends of freedom never forget that nations prefer absolute
power to anarchy. The first want--the first instinct--of communities, as
well as of governments or of individuals, is self-preservation. Now a
community may exist under absolute power; under anarchy, if it lasts, it
must perish.
The readiness, I might almost say the eagerness, with which nations
throw their liberties into the gulf of anarchy, in the desperate attempt
to close it, is a shameful spectacle. I know nothing more lamentable to
witness than this sudden renunciation of all the rights so noisily and
vehemently demanded. The friend of freedom and of progress who would
fall into despair of man and of the future at this humiliating sight
must withdraw into himself, and refresh and invigorate his soul at
those high and pure fountains which nourish deep convictions and
far-reaching hopes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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