Deportation, its meaning and menace: Last message to the people of America by Alexander Berkman and Emma GoldmanGoldman, Emma
History
Deportation, its meaning and menace: Last message to the people of America by Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman
Goldman, Emma
Anarchism; Deportation
The very existence of majorities and minorities is indicative of an
immoral state. The man whose character harmonizes with the moral law,
we found to be one who can obtain complete happiness without
establishing the happiness of his fellows. But the enactment of public
arrangements by vote implies a society consisting of men otherwise
constituted—implies that the desires of some cannot be satisfied
without sacrificing the desires of others—implies that in the pursuit
of their happiness the majority inflict a certain amount of
_un_happiness on the minority—implies, therefore, organic immorality.
Thus, from another point of view, we again perceive that even in its
most equitable form it is impossible for government to disassociate
itself from evil; and further, that, unless the right to ignore the
State is recognized, its acts must be essentially criminal.
LYOF N. TOLSTOY
The cause of the miserable condition of the workers is slavery. The
cause of slavery is legislation. Legislation rests on organized
violence. It follows that an improvement in the condition of the people
is possible only through the abolition of organized violence. “But
organized violence is government, and how can we live without
governments? Without governments there will be chaos, anarchy; all the
achievements of civilization will perish, and the people will revert to
their primitive barbarism.” But why should we suppose this? Why think
that non-official people could not arrange it, not for themselves, but
for others? We see, on the contrary, that in the most diverse matters
people in our times arrange their own lives incomparably better than
those who govern them arrange for them. Without the least help from
government, and often in spite of the interference of government, people
organize all sorts of social undertakings—workmen’s unions, co-operative
societies, railway companies, and syndicates. If collections for public
works are needed, why should we suppose that free people could not
without violence voluntarily collect the necessary means, and carry out
all that is carried out by means of taxes, if only the undertakings in
question are really useful for anybody? Why suppose that there cannot be
tribunals without violence?
* * * * *
The robber generally plundered the rich, the governments generally
plunder the poor and protect those rich who assist in their crimes. The
robber doing his work risked his life, while the governments risk
nothing, but base their whole activity on lies and deception. The robber
did not compel anyone to join his band, the governments generally enrol
their soldiers by force. All who paid the tax to the robber had equal
security from danger. But in the state, the more any one takes part in
the organized fraud the more he receives not merely of protection, but
also of reward.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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