MR. THOMPSON was anxious to lay before the meeting documentary
testimony, in preference to any thing he could say himself. Rather
than set forth his own views, as he had done on many former occasions,
he wished to bring forward such documents as even his opponent would
admit to be really American. He pledged himself to show that this was
an American question. He was not prepared for this branch of the
subject, because he had not expected that Mr. Breckinridge would
exonerate America from the charge of being a slaveholding nation;
nevertheless, he was perfectly ready to take it up. He would undertake
to prove that the existence of slavery in the United States was the
result of a compromise--that the Constitution of the United States
was, in fact, based upon a compromise, in relation to this subject. At
the time when the Constitution was agreed to, the then slaveholding
states refused to come into what was called the confederacy of
republics, unless slaveholding was permitted. At that time there were
only three hundred thousand slaves in the Union; now there were two
millions and a half. So much, said Mr. Thompson, for what the good and
influential men of the South, spoken of by Mr. Breckinridge, had done
for the abolition of slavery. Then there were three hundred thousand;
now there were two million four hundred thousand. The method by which
these good and influential people had gone about extirpating slavery,
had been an Irish method; it had shown distinctly the extent of their
zeal and usefulness. Why, setting aside their influence altogether,
they might, had they been as numerous as represented by his respected
opponent, have manumitted as many of their own slaves. It was said, no
doubt, that the laws prevented this; but who made the laws? The child
could not do what her mamma had commanded her to do, because she was
tied to the mahogany table, she could only answer, when asked who tied
her, that it was herself. In like manner, he could turn round on those
whom his respected opponent represented, as haters of slavery.
Emancipationists they wished to be called; colonizationists they ought
to be called. He would ask them, what had they done? Had they not
compromised every principle of justice and truth, by permitting
slaveholding in their Union? Had they not even bestowed exclusive
privileges on the slaveholders? Had they not bestowed on them such
privileges as that, even now, they sent twenty-four or twenty-five
representatives to Congress more than their proportion? His respected
opponent had said this was not a national question. Why, then, send
six thousand bayonets to the South for the protection of the
slaveholder? Why were the American people taxed in order to maintain
bayonets, blunderbusses, and artillery in the South? Not a national
question! Why, then, was Missouri admitted a member of the
Union--Missouri a slaveholding State, admitted by the votes of the
Northern republics. Mr. Breckinridge had fought very shy of the state
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