The early English Socialists were more consistent. In 1793 William Godwin, whom Anton Menger calls "the first scientific Socialist of modern times," laid down in substance the doctrine that the labourer has a right to the whole product.[225] In 1805 Charles Hall formulated and defended the doctrine with greater precision and consistency.[226] In 1824 the doctrine was stated more fundamentally, systematically, and completely by William Thompson.[227] He accepted the labour theory of value laid down by Adam Smith, and formally derived therefrom the ethical conclusion that the labourer has a right to the whole product. "Thompson and his followers are only original in so far as they consider rent and interest to be _unjust_ deductions, which violate the right of the labourer to the whole product of his labour."[228] He denounced the laws which empowered the land owner and the capitalist to appropriate value not created by them, and gave to the value thus appropriated the name, "surplus value." In the use of this term he anticipated Karl Marx by several years. His doctrines were adopted and defended by many other English Socialist writers, and were introduced into France by the followers of Saint-Simon. "From his works," says Menger, "the later Socialists, the Saint-Simonians, Proudhon, and above all, Marx and Rodbertus, have directly or indirectly drawn their opinions."[229] Although Saint-Simon never accepted the doctrine of the labourer's right to the whole product, his disciples, particularly Enfantin and Bazard, taught it implicitly. In a just social state, they maintained, every one would be expected to labour according to his capacity, and would be rewarded according to his product.[230] Perhaps the most theoretical and extreme statement of the theory that we are considering is found in the writings of P. J. Proudhon.[231] He maintained that the real value of products was determined by labour time, and that all kinds of labour should be regarded as equally effective in the value-creating process, and he advocated therefore equality of wages and salaries. For the realisation of this ideal he drew the outlines of a semi-anarchic social order, of which the main feature was gratuitous public credit. Neither his theories nor his proposals ever obtained any considerable number of adherents.