Distributive Justice: The Right and Wrong of Our Present Distribution of Wealth — John Shaqi
Distributive Justice: The Right and Wrong of Our Present Distribution of WealthRyan, John A. (John Augustine)
PhilosophyChristian
Distributive Justice: The Right and Wrong of Our Present Distribution of Wealth
Ryan, John A. (John Augustine)
Economic history; Income distribution -- Moral and ethical aspects; Wealth -- Religious aspects
To put the matter briefly, then, Henry George contends that the
individual's equal right to land is so much superior to the claim of
the private owner that the latter must give way, even when it
represents an expenditure of money or other valuable goods. The
average opponent does not seem to realise the full force of the
impression which this theory makes upon the man who overemphasises the
innate rights of men to a share in the gifts of nature. Let us see
whether this right has the absolute and overpowering value which is
attributed to it by Henry George.
In considering this question, the supremely important fact to be kept
in mind is that the natural right to land is not an end in itself. It
is not a prerogative that inheres in men, regardless of its purposes
or effects. It has validity only in so far as it promotes individual
and social welfare. As regards individual welfare, we must bear in
mind that this phrase includes the well being of all persons, of those
who do as well as of those who do not at present enjoy the benefits of
private landownership. Consequently the proposal to restore to the
"disinherited" the use of their land rights must be judged by its
effects upon the welfare of all persons. If existing landowners are
not compensated they are deprived, in varying amounts, of the
conditions of material well being to which they have become
accustomed, and are thereby subjected to varying degrees of positive
inconvenience and hardship. The assertion that this loss would be
offset by the moral gain in altruistic feelings and consciousness, may
be passed over as applying to a different race of beings from those
who would be despoiled. The hardship is aggravated considerably by the
fact that very many of the dispossessed private owners have paid the
full value of their land out of the earnings of labour or capital, and
that all of them have been encouraged by society and the State to
regard landed property in precisely the same way as any other kind of
property. In the latter respect they are not in the same position as
the innocent purchaser of the stolen watch; for they have never been
warned by society that the land might have been virtually stolen, or
that the supposedly rightful claimants might some day be empowered by
the law to recover possession. On the other hand, the persons who own
no land under the present system, the persons who are deprived of
their "birthright," suffer no such degree of hardship when they are
continued in that condition. They are kept out of something which they
have never possessed, which they have never hoped to get by any such
easy method, and from which they have not been accustomed to derive
any benefit. To prolong this condition is not to inflict upon them any
new or positive inconvenience. Evidently their welfare and claims in
the circumstances are not of the same moral importance as the welfare
and claims of persons who would be called upon to suffer the loss of
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