Distributive Justice: The Right and Wrong of Our Present Distribution of WealthRyan, John A. (John Augustine)
PhilosophyChristian
Distributive Justice: The Right and Wrong of Our Present Distribution of Wealth
Ryan, John A. (John Augustine)
Economic history; Income distribution -- Moral and ethical aspects; Wealth -- Religious aspects
In the first place, this value is produced by the community in two
different senses of the word community, namely, as a civil, corporate
entity, and as a group of individuals who do not form a moral unit.
Under the first head must be placed a great deal of the value of land
in cities; for example, that which arises from municipal institutions
and improvements, such as, fire and police protection, water works,
sewers, paved streets, and parks. On the other hand, a considerable
part of land values both within and without cities is due, not to the
community as a civil body, but to the community as a collection of
individuals and groups of individuals. Thus, the erection and
maintenance of buildings, the various economic exchanges of goods and
labour, the superior opportunities for social intercourse and
amusement which characterise a city, make the land of the city and its
environs more valuable than land at a distance. While the activities
involved in these economic and "social" facts and relations are,
indeed, a social not an individual product, they are the product of
small, temporary, and shifting groups within the community. They are
not the activities of the community as a moral whole. For example, the
maintenance of a grocery business implies a series of social
relations and agreements between the grocer and his customers; but
none of these transactions is participated in by the community acting
as a community. Consequently such actions and relations, and the land
values to which they give rise are not due to, are not the products of
the community as a unit, as a moral body, as an organic entity. What
is true of the land values created by the grocery business applies to
the values which are due to other economic institutions and relations,
as well as to those values which arise out of the purely "social"
activities and advantages. If these values are to go to their
producers they must be taken, in various proportions, by the different
small groups and the various individuals whose actions and
transactions have been directly responsible.
To distribute these values among the producers thereof in proportion
to the productive contribution of each person is obviously impossible.
How can it be known, for example, what portion of the increase in the
value of a city's real estate during a given year is due to the
merchants, the manufacturers, the railroads, the labourers, the
professional classes, or the city as a corporation? The only practical
method is for the city or other political unit to act as the
representative of all its members, appropriate the increase in value,
and distribute it among the citizens in the form of public services,
institutions, and improvements. Assuming that the socially produced
value of land ought to go to its social producer rather than to the
individual proprietor, this method of public appropriation and
disbursement would seem to be the nearest approximation to practical
justice that is available.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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