Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, 1821-1881; Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, 1821-1881 -- Criticism and interpretation
Dostoevsky was no partisan. Dreading party feeling and the dissensions
it creates, he wrote: “My thoughts are chiefly concerned with what
constitutes our community of ideas, the common ground whereon we all
might meet, irrespective of tendency.” Profoundly convinced that “in
Russian thought lay reconciliation for Europe’s antagonisms”, “veteran
European Russian” as he termed himself, he devoted the whole strength
of his being to the Russian unity which was to confound party and
faction in one great love of country and of humanity. “Yes, I, too,
hold your opinion that in Russia, by the very nature of her mission,
Europe will be consummated. This has long been plain to me,” so he
wrote from Siberia. Elsewhere he describes Russia as “a nation awaiting
her mission,” “fit to lead the common interests of entire humanity.”
And if, by virtue of a conviction which, perchance, was no more than
premature, he deceived himself as to the importance of the Russian
people (which is by no means _my_ opinion), it was not infatuated
jingoism, but his intuition and the deep understanding he had, simply
because he himself was a Russian, of the beliefs and party passions
dividing Europe. Speaking of Pushkin, he credits himself with the
poet’s “gift of world-wide sympathy,” adding, “It is this very faculty,
his in common with all our people, which makes him truly national.” He
considers the Russian soul as “a meeting-ground whereon all European
aims may be reconciled,” exclaiming, “Where is the true Russian who
does not first and foremost think of Europe?” and uttering even these
strange words, “the Russian wanderer has need of world-wide happiness
in order to find peace himself.”
Persuaded that “Russia’s future activity must be in the highest degree
pan-human,” and that “maybe the Russian idea will be the synthesis
of all the ideas developed with such courage and persistence in the
various European nationalities,” his gaze is constantly directed
outside Russia. His political and social judgments of France and of
Germany are, to us, perhaps the most interesting passages of his
correspondence. He travelled abroad, lingering in Italy, Switzerland,
and Germany, attracted in the first instance by his desire to know
them, detained ultimately for months on end by the eternal question of
money, either having an insufficiency of funds to continue his journey
or fearing debts he has left behind in Russia, and the possibility
of tasting imprisonment again. “With my health in the state it is,”
he wrote when he was forty-nine, “I could not stand even six months’
confinement, nor, what is more, could I work.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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