Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 1—The Church of the Civil WarsStoughton, John
History
Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 1—The Church of the Civil Wars
Stoughton, John
Great Britain -- Church history
Dering's conduct at the time appeared a mystery. Afterwards he
explained,[192] that he had nothing to do with the preparation of
the measure--that it was entrusted to him by Sir Arthur Haselrig,
who had received it from Sir Harry Vane and Oliver Cromwell. It
further appears, that he scarcely read the motion before moving its
adoption. Haselrig's connection with this bold proceeding, as well as
with Strafford's attainder, are proofs of his having then assumed a
prominent position amongst ultra-politicians; but the character of the
measure would rather suggest that Sir Harry Vane must really have been
its author. Cromwell's relation to it is also worthy of notice, as it
indicates his advanced opinions at the period, and his already active
and influential statesmanship. According to Clarendon, the Solicitor
General, Oliver St. John, "the dark-lantern man," had drawn up the
Bill--a statement, which, if true, shows another of the republican
commonwealth men taking up an extreme position at the outset of the
strife.[193]
[Sidenote: 1641, June.]
No doubt the concocters of this design considered that it would meet
with better acceptance if presented by a merely doctrinal Puritan; and
it indicates the excited temper of the Commons at the moment, and how
the resistance of the Lords had wrought them up to a resolution of
frightening mitred heads--that the Bill immediately came to a second
reading, and that too by such a majority. Moreover, it expressed
growing indignation against the course of oppression with which
Episcopacy stood identified. For long years the Church had been sowing
the wind--now, in a few short hours, it reaped the whirlwind. To those
who wished to get rid of Episcopacy altogether, the proceedings of the
Lords, although very exasperating, would not be altogether unwelcome,
as advanced politicians might gather from it an argument against what
they deemed to be half-measures. They asked--since bishops cling so
tenaciously to their temporalities, would it not be as easy to get rid
of both, as to tear one from the other? Some moderate men, discouraged
and annoyed, were thus thrown into the arms of excited companions.
Policy led them on to extremes, hoping that the boldness of the
people's representatives now in the ascendant, would alarm the Lords,
especially the spiritual ones, and induce them to give way, even on a
point where they had staked their fortunes and planted the defence of
their order.
[Sidenote: _Debates by the Commons._]
As the business of Dering's bill was under debate, a message arrived
from the Upper House, signifying a readiness to concur in the Bill
which they had already received, excepting only the clause for taking
away the bishops' votes. "This message," we are told, "took little
effect with the Commons."[194]
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