Nor was there conclusiveness of historical argument, or any consistency of demand, on the other side. High-Church advocates were then, as always, puzzled how to forge links of union between English Convocations and the early Synods of the Church, especially the assembly at Jerusalem. What resemblance exists between them, except of the most general description?--a resemblance such as pertains to all ecclesiastical meetings whatsoever. The essential conditions of a Convocation of Canterbury are that it must meet by authority from the Crown; that it consist of two Houses, one composed of Bishops, and the other of Presbyters, both purely clerical; that the members of the Lower House must be dignitaries, together with Proctors, elected by the Clergy, and that nothing which they do has binding force without the consent of the Sovereign. What is there in these distinctive features of an English Convocation to connect it with Synods before the era of State Establishments? What precedent for any of the essential parts of the structure can be found in the history of the meeting at Jerusalem? The Apostles and Elders met altogether, and joined in a deliverance upon the question at issue. No other representatives or delegates appeared except those who came from Antioch. The resemblance between the meeting at Jerusalem and meetings in Saxon and Norman times is a pure imagination, beyond such resemblance as belongs to religious conferences in general. Nor can any specific likeness be traced between mixed Anglo-Saxon Councils and purely clerical Convocations. An Anglo-Saxon provincial Synod was in many points very unlike Convocation;[332] and between A.D. 816, when the Synod of Challok occurred, in which Abbots, Presbyters, and Deacons met, and A.D. 1065, I do not find that more than one provincial Synod was held; a national Synod met under Dunstan, A.D. 969. Provincial Synods, previously occasional and rare, did not become regular and frequent until the reign of Edward I. [Sidenote: CONVOCATION.] Convocation, with full power to deliberate, to propose and enact canons, to alter existing formularies, to pronounce authoritatively upon points of doctrine, and to originate schemes of ecclesiastical action, co-ordinate with the functions of Parliament, would have been a reality; but, in the view of many, such power would be inconsistent with the secular relations of the Church, as dependent on the State for much of its pecuniary support, for more of its social prestige, and for all of its political pre-eminence. Convocation, as it was permitted to exist under William III., was really a mere form, and that a very troublesome one. Nor did Atterbury, or any who sided with him, endeavour to bring it into accordance with their theory. The theory was one of ecclesiastical independence; but when they saw some of the difficulties of their position, they only endeavoured to loosen a little the chain which bound up the liberty of Convocational action.[333]