still saw their nationality preserved and represented. All through the
year the clergy individually, in the thousand parishes or so into which
Scotland was divided, managed their own parochial affairs with the
assistance of select laymen called elders; these clergymen, again, with
some of their elders, held frequent district meetings, called
“presbyteries,” in order to regulate by deliberation and voting the
church affairs of their districts; there were still larger meetings,
periodically held, called “provincial synods”; but the grand rendezvous
of all, the supreme court of appeal and ecclesiastical legislation, was
the annual General Assembly in Edinburgh. The time of its meeting was
one of bustle and excitement. Black coats swarmed in the streets; the
Assembly was opened with military pomp and circumstance by a Lord High
Commissioner representing the Crown; this Commissioner sat on a throne
during the meetings, and held levees and dinner-parties in Holyrood
Palace all through the ten days; the clergy, with lay representatives,
some of whom were usually noblemen or baronets, deliberated and debated
during those ten days, under a president of their own choosing called
the “Moderator”; the proceedings were in parliamentary form, and the
decisions by a majority of votes; and in many cases,—as in trials of
clergymen for moral or ecclesiastical misdemeanour,—barristers were
called in to plead professionally, as they did in the secular
law-courts. As was natural in a deliberative assembly almost all the
members of which were of the speaking class, the speaking was of a very
high order,—far higher, indeed, than has ever been heard in these later
days in the British Parliament; while at the same time there was ample
opportunity for the exercise of business talent and of all the tact and
skill of party-leadership. Much of the general politics of Scotland took
necessarily the form of church politics; and, indeed, the connections
between church politics and state politics were pretty close. The vast
majority of the clergy were adherents of Dundas in general politics, and
bent on swaying church polity in the same direction; while the small
minority of “Evangelicals” or “High-Fliers,” as they were called,
corresponded to the proscribed “Liberals” in secular politics. The
leading clergymen of both parties were to be found in or near Edinburgh.
Respecting the _Mercantile and Artisan classes_ it need only be repeated
that they were by no means separated by any social demarcation from the
fore-mentioned classes, but were intertwined with these by
family-relationships, and often also by the sympathies belonging to
superior natural intelligence and superior education. Booksellers and
printers were more numerous in Edinburgh proportionally than in any
other British town.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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