The great motive power of the later politics of the reign was to be
found beyond the Channel. To the men of the days of Charles II., Louis
XIV. of France was what Philip II. of Spain had been to the men of the
days of Elizabeth. Gradually, in foreign policy, the commercial
emulation with the Dutch, which found vent in one war in the time of the
Commonwealth, and in two wars in the time of Charles II., gave way to a
dread, rising into hatred, of the arrogant potentate who, at the head of
the mightiest army in Europe, treated with contempt all rights which
came into collision with his own wishes. Louis XIV., moreover, though
prepared to quarrel with the pope in the matter of his own authority
over the Gallican Church, was a bigoted upholder of Catholic orthodoxy,
and Protestants saw in his political ambitions a menace to their
religion. In the case of England there seemed a special danger to
Protestantism; for whatever religious sympathies Charles II. possessed
were with the Roman Catholic faith, and in his annoyance at the
interference of the Commons with his expenditure he was not ashamed to
stoop to become the pensioner of the French king. In 1670 the secret
treaty of Dover was signed. Charles was to receive from Louis £200,000 a
year and the aid of 6000 French troops to enable him to declare himself
a convert, and to obtain special advantages for his religion, whilst he
was also to place the forces of England at Louis's disposal for his
purposes of aggression on the continent of Europe.
Second Dutch war, and declaration of indulgence.
Charles had no difficulty in stirring up the commercial jealousy of
England so as to bring about a second Dutch war (1672). The next year,
unwilling to face the dangers of his larger plan, he issued a
declaration of indulgence, which, by a single act of the prerogative,
suspended all penal laws against Roman Catholics and dissenters alike.
To the country gentlemen who constituted the cavalier parliament, and
who had long been drifting into opposition to the crown, this was
intolerable. The predominance of the Church of England was the prime
article of their political creed; they dreaded the Roman Catholics; they
hated and despised the dissenters. Under any circumstances an indulgence
would have been most distasteful to them. But the growing belief that
the whole scheme was merely intended to serve the purposes of the Roman
Catholics converted their dislike into deadly opposition. Yet the
parliament resolved to base its opposition upon constitutional grounds.
The right claimed by the king to suspend the laws was questioned, and
his claim to special authority in ecclesiastical matters was treated
with contempt. The king gave way and withdrew his declaration. But no
solemn act of parliament declared it to be illegal, and in due course of
time it would be heard of again.
The Test Act.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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