Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "France" to "Francis Joseph I.": Volume 10, Slice 8Various
History
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "France" to "Francis Joseph I.": Volume 10, Slice 8
Various
Encyclopedias and dictionaries
It was during that interval that occurred the incident known as "The
Scare of 1875." The Kulturkampf had left Prince Bismarck in a state of
nervous irritation. In all directions he was on the look out for traces
of Ultramontane intrigue. The clericals in France after the fall of
Thiers had behaved with great indiscretion in their desire to see the
temporal power of the pope revived. But when the reactionaries had
placed MacMahon at the head of the state, their divisions and their
political ineptitude had shown that the government of France would soon
pass from their hands, and of this the voting of the Republican
constitution by a monarchical assembly was the visible proof.
Nevertheless Bismarck, influenced by the presence at Berlin of a French
ambassador, M. de Gontaut-Biron, whom he regarded as an Ultramontane
agent, seems to have thought otherwise. A military party at Berlin
affected alarm at a law passed by the French Assembly on the 12th of
March, which continued a provision increasing from three to four the
battalions of each infantry regiment, and certain journals, supposed to
be inspired by Bismarck, argued that as the French were preparing, it
might be well to anticipate their designs before they were ready. Europe
was scared by an article on the 6th of May in _The Times_, professing to
reveal the designs of Bismarck, from its Paris correspondent, Blowitz,
who was in relations with the French foreign minister, the duc Decazes,
and with Prince Hohenlohe, German ambassador to France, both being
prudent diplomatists, and, though Catholics, opposed to Ultramontane
pretensions. Europe was astounded at the revelation and alarmed at the
alleged imminence of war. In England the Disraeli ministry addressed the
governments of Russia, Austria and Italy, with a view to restraining
Germany from its aggressive designs, and Queen Victoria wrote to the
German emperor to plead the cause of peace. It is probable that there
was no need either for this intervention or for the panic which had
produced it. We know now that the old emperor William was steadfastly
opposed to a fresh war, while his son, the crown prince Frederick, who
then seemed likely soon to succeed him for a long reign, was also
determined that peace should be maintained. The scare had, however, a
most important result, in sowing the seeds of the subsequent
Franco-Russian alliance. Notwithstanding that the tsar Alexander II. was
on terms of affectionate intimacy with his uncle, the emperor William,
he gave a personal assurance to General Le Flo, French ambassador at St
Petersburg, that France should have the "moral support" of Russia in the
case of an aggression on the part of Germany. It is possible that the
danger of war was exaggerated by the French foreign minister and his
ambassador at Berlin, as is the opinion of certain French historians,
who think that M. de Gontaut-Biron, as an old royalist, was only too
glad to see the Republic under the protection, as it were, of the most
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