(c) That the exile lasted seventy years (? from 586 B.C. to the
completion of the second temple) is the view of the canonical history
(2 Chron. xxxvi. 21; Jer. xxv. 11, xxix. 10; Zech. i. 12; cf. Tyre,
Isa. xxiii. 15), but it is usually reckoned from the first
deportation, which was looked upon as of greater significance than the
second (Jer. xxiv. xxix.), and it may be a round number. Another
difficulty is the interpretation of the 40 years in Ezek. iv. 6 (cf.
Egypt, xxix. 11), and the 390 in _v._ 5 (Septuagint 150 or 190; 130 in
Jos. x. 9, 7 end). A period of fifty years is allowed by the
chronological scheme (1 Kings vi. 1; cf. Jos. c. _Ap._ i. 21), and the
late book of Baruch (vi. 3) even speaks of seven generations. Varying
chronological schemes may have been current and some weight must be
laid upon the remarkable vagueness of the historical information in
later writings (see DANIEL).
(d) The attitude of the neighbouring peoples constitutes another
serious problem (cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 2 and 2 Chron. xxxvi. 5, where
Lucian's recension and the Septuagint respectively add the
Samaritans!), in view of the circumstances of Gedaliah's appointment
(Jer. xl. 11, see above) as contrasted with the frequent prophecies
against Ammon, Moab and Edom which seem to be contemporary (see EDOM;
MOAB).
(e) Finally, the recurrence of similar historical situations in
Judaean history must be considered. The period under review, with its
relations between Judah and Egypt, can be illustrated by prophecies
ascribed to a similar situation in the time of Hezekiah. But the
destruction of Jerusalem is not quite unique, and somewhat later we
meet with indirect evidence for at least one similar disaster upon
which the records are silent. There are a number of apparently related
passages which, however, on internal grounds, are unsuitable to the
present period, and when they show independent signs of a later date
(in their present form), there is a very strong probability that they
refer to such subsequent disasters. The scantiness of historical
tradition makes a final solution impossible, but the study of these
years has an important bearing on the history of the later Judaean
state, which has been characteristically treated from the standpoint
of exiles who returned from Babylonia and regard themselves as the
kernel of "Israel." From this point of view, the desire to intensify
the denudation of Palestine and the fate of its remnant, and to look
to the Babylonian exiles for the future, can probably be recognized in
the writings attributed to contemporary prophets.[33]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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