Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
But the longer the negotiations could be drawn out, the
better he would be pleased. Whilst matters were drifting to a deadlock
in London, his agents, he trusted, would be enabled quietly to effect
some definite arrangement at Constantinople or at Cairo.[537]
Guizot in his _Mémoires_ has described at length his proceedings in
London. As he himself admits, he entertained an exaggerated belief
in the strength of Mehemet Ali.[538] But, on the other hand, he had
not Thiers' serene confidence that England would never conclude an
agreement for the settlement of the Turco-Egyptian question without
the co-operation of France. On March 12, when relating a conversation
he had had with Lord Palmerston in one of the drawing-rooms at
Stafford House, he expressed the opinion "that the British government
regarded the present moment as a favourable opportunity for settling
affairs in the East, and that a sudden resolve might be taken to
act without us." Again, a few days later, he sent M. Thiers a
warning couched in more emphatic language. Full powers to conclude
a convention, Lord Palmerston informed him, had been transmitted to
Nourri-Effendi, the Turkish ambassador in Paris, who would shortly
arrive in London. "It is possible, therefore, that we may be on the
eve of important decisions. . . . The British government has two
interests at stake in the eastern question--the wish to keep Russia
from Constantinople and the fear of French influence in Egypt. . . .
The present moment is looked upon as favourable for the attainment
of these objects. By a singular combination of circumstances, Russia
is both prepared to abandon her pretensions to exercise an exclusive
protectorship over the Ottoman Empire, and to assist England to weaken
the Pasha of Egypt. . . . Great Britain, consequently, is far from
regarding the present situation as embarrassing, but on the contrary
deems it a most fortunate development which she must make use of to
the best advantage. . . . She is aware, however, that in prosecuting
this policy she may impair her good understanding with France. To
retain our friendship she will make some concessions, but I am
disposed to think that she has no intention of allowing the present
opportunity of attaining her ends in the East to escape."[539]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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