Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
The strategic importance of these Spanish islands had been enhanced by
the French occupation of Algiers. Situated about midway between Toulon
and the African coast, they would, in the hands of France, enable her
to control the western Mediterranean. The British Foreign Office and
the Admiralty had, in consequence, been always on the alert, lest she
should by any means succeed in establishing herself at Port Mahon.
It had been ascertained that many of the inhabitants were not at all
averse to the idea of a French annexation of Minorca.[651] But, in
addition to the military advantages to be derived from the occupation
of the Balearic Islands, there were political reasons which made both
Palmerston and Bulwer suspect that M. Thiers might regard a _coup
d'éclat_ in Spain as a useful counterstroke to the Treaty of July
15.[652] The struggle between Christina[653] and the _Progressistas_
had been raging for some weeks past, and now appeared certain to
terminate in the complete defeat of the Queen Regent. Upon the subject
of Spanish affairs the British government held views which were
diametrically opposed to those entertained at the absolute Courts.
Any stroke directed against Espartero and the Radicals could not
fail to be applauded at Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg. A French
intervention in Spain might, therefore, be the means of sowing discord
between Great Britain and her continental allies.
Lord Granville at once sent off a special messenger to Madrid to warn
the British minister of the blow which was impending, and Palmerston
also wrote to Mr. Aston to the same effect. Espartero,[654] when the
news was communicated to him, undertook to strengthen the garrison of
Port Mahon, and promised to resist manfully any French aggression.
Melbourne, at the same time, took the opportunity of remonstrating
strongly with Louis Philippe through the King of the Belgians.[655]
England, he wrote, could not sit still whilst France continued to arm
and to threaten. She must, if the present situation were prolonged,
take measures to safeguard her interests. This communication probably
reached Louis Philippe on October 19. So long as he had believed
that Mehemet Ali was capable of offering a serious resistance to
the allied Powers, he had approved of the menacing attitude of his
government. But, when the Pasha's impotence was made manifest, he
realized the expediency of adopting different tactics. He understood
the difficulties of M. Thiers' position. Already the more extreme of
the various groups composing his parliamentary majority were beginning
to testify their displeasure at the pacific tone of his despatch of
October 8, which had been published in the English papers. At the
approaching meeting of the Chambers heated and violent recriminations
were to be apprehended. Louis Philippe, however, had also perceived
that, notwithstanding the clamour of the newspapers, a healthy current
of public opinion was running in the direction of peace. People
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