Europe -- Politics and government -- 1815-1848; France -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
Italy as a perpetual menace to the peace of Europe, readily consented
to instruct Sir Brooke Taylor, the British Minister at Florence, to
proceed to Rome to take part in the conference.[108] Metternich agreed
with equal alacrity to the French proposals. But it was not his policy
to allow reforms of any kind to be introduced into Italy, and he was
fully resolved that the deliberations should lead to no results of any
consequence. "We risk nothing," he wrote to Apponyi. . . . "Count
Lützow[109] is a man of character, he knows what is practicable."[110]
But the good effect of Metternich's consent to confer with the Powers,
upon the condition of affairs, in the Papal States, was dispelled
by a false report which reached Paris of the conclusion of a treaty
between Austria and His Holiness. This news was followed, on March
18, by the intelligence that an Imperial army had entered Bologna.
War, Sébastiani informed Granville, was now inevitable. Nevertheless,
in the evening, when the ambassador read over to him the account of
their conversation which he proposed to send to London, he suggested
that the words "war was very probable" should be substituted for his
statement that "war was inevitable."[111] For the next fortnight the
situation continued to wear a most critical appearance. At a Cabinet
Council, held on March 28, it was resolved to demand the evacuation
of the Papal States, and to ask the Chambers for a vote of credit, to
enable the King to mobilize the army. Casimir Périer,[112] however,
reassured Lord Granville by telling him that the Austrians would
assuredly have crushed the insurrection in Romagna before Maison's
instructions could reach Vienna, and that the message to the Chambers,
far from being a measure calculated to bring about war, would, on
the contrary, assist the King to preserve peace. Were the government
to appear indifferent to the entry of the Austrians into the Papal
States, the military party would at once raise the cry that ministers
wanted peace at any price. Louis Philippe himself expressed to the
British ambassador the greatest confidence that hostilities would
be avoided. The preservation of the temporal power of the Pope,
he went on to tell him, was a cardinal feature of French policy.
Five or six millions of his subjects professed the Roman Catholic
religion,[113] and he was determined to remain upon good terms with
the head of the Church.[114] The King of Prussia, Lord Granville was
satisfied, was resolved to take no part in the struggle, should the
Austrian intervention in Italy lead to a collision with France.[115]
Heytesbury, on the other hand, reported that Nicholas, although the
cholera was raging in Russia and notwithstanding that he had still
the Polish war upon his hands, had announced his determination "to
bring the whole force of his Empire to the assistance of his Austrian
ally."[116] But Metternich, in the meanwhile, had empowered Apponyi
to declare that no treaty had been concluded, and to support his
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