England under the Angevin Kings, Volume IINorgate, Kate
History
England under the Angevin Kings, Volume II
Norgate, Kate
Anjou, House of; England -- Civilization -- 1066-1485; Great Britain -- History -- Angevin period, 1154-1216
His next undertaking was one which almost every new-made prelate in any
degree alive to the rights and duties of his office found it needful to
begin as soon as possible: the recovery of the alienated property of
his see. Gilbert Foliot, the model English bishop of the day, had no
sooner been consecrated than he wrote to beg the Pope’s support in this
important and troublesome matter.[52] It may well be that even fourteen
years later the metropolitan see had not yet received full restitution
for the spoliations of the anarchy. Thomas however set to work in the
most sweeping fashion, boldly laying claim to every estate which he
could find to have been granted away by his predecessors on grounds
which did not satisfy his exalted ideas of ecclesiastical right, or
on terms which he held detrimental to the interest and dignity of his
church, and enforcing his claims without respect of persons; summarily
turning out those who held the archiepiscopal manors in ferm,[53]
disputing with the earl of Clare for jurisdiction over the castle and
district of Tunbridge, and reclaiming, on the strength of a charter of
the Conqueror, the custody of Rochester castle from the Crown itself.
Such a course naturally stirred up for him a crowd of enemies, and
increased the jealousy, suspicion and resentment which his new position
and altered mode of life had already excited among the companions and
rivals of his earlier days. The archbishop however was still, like the
chancellor, protected against them by the shield of the royal favour;
they could only work against him by working upon the mind of Henry.
One by one they carried over sea their complaints of the wrongs which
they had suffered, or with which they were threatened, at the primate’s
hands;[54] they reported all his daily doings and interpreted them in
the worst sense:--his strictness of life was superstition, his zeal for
justice was cruelty, his care for his church avarice, his pontifical
splendour pride, his vigour rashness and self-conceit:[55]--if the king
did not look to it speedily, he would find his laws and constitutions
set at naught, his regal dignity trodden under foot, and himself and
his heirs reduced to mere cyphers dependent on the will and pleasure of
the archbishop of Canterbury.[56]
[52] Gilb. Foliot, Ep. lxxxvii. (Giles, vol. i., p. 113).
[53] E. Grim (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. ii.) pp. 371, 372.
Herb. Bosh. (_ib._ vol. iii.) pp. 250, 251. _Thomas Saga_
(Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 117–121.
[54] Herb. Bosh. (as above), p. 252. _Thomas Saga_ (as above),
p. 121.
[55] Joh. Salisb. (Robertson, _Becket_, vol. ii.) pp. 309, 310.
Anon. II. (_ib._ vol. iv.) pp. 91, 92.
[56] Joh. Salisb. (as above), p. 310. E. Grim (_ibid._) p. 372.
Anon. II. (_ib._ vol. iv.), p. 92. Cf. Arn. Lisieux, Ep. 34
(Giles, pp. 148, 149).
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account